University of Michigan Cultural Trade Rivoli Perspective Paper Word length should be 450-500 words. In two well-formulated paragraphs, analyze Rivoli’s pe

University of Michigan Cultural Trade Rivoli Perspective Paper Word length should be 450-500 words.

In two well-formulated paragraphs, analyze Rivoli’s perspective (see attached file, chapter 9-13) in relation to Rostow’s Modernization Theory by answering the following: a) Does Rivoli believe in the development ladder? b) To what extent does she agree with Rostow that every country goes through the same stages of development? c) Moreover, does Rivoli believe that every country should go through the same stages of development? Respond to the prompt questions above in bold. Cite specific page numbers and passages.
In two paragraphs, choose one of the week’s concepts (see week four’s module) that you believe best encapsulates this week’s Rivoli reading (You can choose any of those concepts, as long as you make a sound and clear argument). Clearly explain your concept of choice. You don’t need to use quotes in these two paragraphs, but be specific in your justification (i.e. no broad generalizations, please). This means avoiding statements such as: “I think neoliberalism is the best concept because it clearly tells the story of the modern t-shirt industry.” Instead, explain how the characteristics of your chosen concept overlap with t-shirt markets. This is the key component we want you to get at. Convince your reader that Rivoli’s reading represents your concept through precise arguments.

Some Rubric (3)

Criteria Ratings Pts

This criterion is linked to a Learning OutcomeRivoli & Modernization

4.0 pts

Full Marks

0.0 pts

No Marks

4.0 pts

This criterion is linked to a Learning OutcomeCore Concept

4.0 pts

Full Marks

0.0 pts

No Marks

4.0 pts

This criterion is linked to a Learning OutcomeWriting

2.0 pts

Full Marks

0.0 pts

No Marks

2.0 pts

Total Points: 10.0 2
CONTENTS
Cover
International Praise for Travels of a T-Shirt, Second Edition
Title Page
Copyright
Dedication
Preface
Prologue
Part I: King Cotton
Chapter 1: How America Has Dominated the Global Cotton Industry
for 200 Years
Chapter 2: The History of American Cotton
Demand Pull: The Humble Class Gets a Taste for ‘‘Gaiety of Dress”
Keep the Fiddler Well-Supplied with Catgut
Eli Meets a Venture Capitalist
Where Was the Competition?
All God’s Dangers Ain’t a White Man
Cotton Factories Arrive in Texas
Chapter 3: Back at the Reinsch Farm
C.F. and Hattie Move West (and Bring a Tractor)
White Guys Get All Draggy-Like
Bureaucrats Push Out Sharecroppers
Machines that Don’t Get All Discouraged
Pick Your Weather
The Reinsch Children Leave the Farm
Old Enemies, New Friends
Designer Genes
Back to Nature or Forward to the Future?
Chapter 4: All God’s Dangers Ain’t the Subsidies
Backward to Seed and Forward to Denim: Farmer Profits at Every
Step
No More Handfuls
3
All This and Subsidies, Too
Pretty Pigs
No Lipstick for Africa
Where Is the Competition?
Vicious Circles
Too Poor to Pollute
Bt Cotton Comes to China
The Worms Win
Part II: Made in China
Chapter 5: Cotton Comes to China
The Chinese Wall
Shanghai Number 36 Cotton Yarn Factory
The Shanghai Brightness Number 3 Garment Factory
Chapter 6: The Long Race to the Bottom
Inventive Brits versus Thrifty Chinamen
Help Wanted: Docile and Desperate Preferred
Chapter 7: Sisters in Time
Docility on a Leash
Sure Beats the Farm
Amazon.com and Dell Arrive at the Mill
Chapter 8: The Unwitting Conspiracy
Writing the Rules of the Race
Activists Raise the Bottom, 1780–2008
Back at Georgetown, Bored Is Good
Bad for Boy Rats
Trade: Friend or Foe of the Planet?
The China Challenge
The Race Moves On
Part III: Trouble at the Border
Chapter 9: Returning to America
Chinese T-Shirts Versus American Jobs
A Taste of the (Crazy) Rules in 2008
4
Chapter 10: Dogs Snarling Together
Auggie Goes to Washington
Making Deals and Making Exceptions
1985 to 1990: The Seed-to-Shirt Coalition
Snarling Back
Gone On Long Enough
The Slow Unraveling
Chapter 11: Perverse Effects and Unintended Consequences of T-Shirt
Trade Policy
No More Doffers
Own Worst Enemy
Friends with Benefits
Wal-Mart Backs Musharraf
Race to the Quotas
Auggie and Aristotle Versus Wal-Mart
Creative Destruction
Whither the Dinosaurs?
(Unintended) Winners
Chapter 12: 45 Years of ‘‘Temporary ’’ Protectionism end in 2009–Now
What?
The Big Bang
The Big Wink and Nod
A Sigh of Relief
What’s Next?
Friends and Enemies, 2008
Obama’s Wink
Try This New Underwear
Part IV: My T-Shirt Finally Encounters a Free Market
Chapter 13: Where T-Shirts Go After the Salvation Army Bin
Meet Me in the Parking Lot
Panning for Gold in New Jersey
T-Shirts in the Afterlife
5
Chapter 14: How Small Entrepreneurs Clothe East Africa With Old
American T-Shirts
Mitumba Nation
Two for a Penny
Panning for Gold in Tanzania
Finding Geofrey
Too Big for Used Britches
Chapter 15: Mitumba: Friend or Foe to Africa ?
Shadowy Middlemen and Economic Democracy
Don’t Look Now, but China Is Behind You
Conclusion
Epilogue: Developments 2009–2014
I: American Cotton Is Still King
II: The Race to the Bottom Speeds Up
III: The Alphabet Armies March On
IV: Competition Heats Up in the Used Clothing Business
Acknowledgments
Bibliography
Index
End User License Agreement
6
List of Illustrations
Figure 2.1
Figure 3.1
Figure 3.2
Figure 3.3
Figure 3.4
Figure 3.5
Figure 4.1
Figure 4.2
Figure 4.3
Figure 5.1
Figure 5.2
Figure 6.1
Figure 6.2
Figure 9.1
Figure 9.2
Figure 9.3
Figure 11.1
Figure 11.2
Figure 11.3
Figure 11.4
Figure 12.1
Figure 12.2
Figure 12.3
Figure 13.1
Figure 13.2
7
8
International Praise for
Travels of a T-Shirt, Second Edition
‘‘This charming, intelligent narrative debunks myths on both sides of the
globalization debate. Mixing historical perspective with current events, the
book highlights that it’s not market forces but avoiding them that creates
winners in world trade … a rich tapestry of globalization past and present that
focuses on real people to rip fabrications on all sides of the debate … a great
read.’’
—Asia Times
‘‘Don’t miss this unusual book on economics.’’
—The Hindu
‘‘ … thought-provoking. … Regardless of your stance on global economics, you
will find a lot to agree with and a lot to think about in Travels of a T-Shirt.’’
—The China Daily
9
10
The Travels of a T-Shirt in the
Global Economy
Second Edition
11
An Economist Examines the Markets, Power, and
Politics of World Trade
Pietra Rivoli
12
Cover image and design: Wiley
Copyright © 2009 and 2015 by Pietra Rivoli. All rights reserved.
Published by John Wiley & Sons, Inc., Hoboken, New Jersey.
Published simultaneously in Canada.
No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form
or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning, or otherwise, except as
permitted under Section 107 or 108 of the 1976 United States Copyright Act, without either the prior
written permission of the Publisher, or authorization through payment of the appropriate per-copy fee
to the Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923, (978) 750-8400, fax (978)
646-8600, or on the web at www.copyright.com. Requests to the Publisher for permission should be
addressed to the Permissions Department, John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 111 River Street, Hoboken, NJ
07030, (201) 748-6011, fax (201) 748-6008, or online at www.wiley.com/go/permissions.
Limit of Liability/Disclaimer of Warranty: While the publisher and author have used their best efforts in
preparing this book, they make no representations or warranties with respect to the accuracy or
completeness of the contents of this book and specifically disclaim any implied warranties of
merchantability or fitness for a particular purpose. No warranty may be created or extended by sales
representatives or written sales materials. The advice and strategies contained herein may not be
suitable for your situation. Y ou should consult with a professional where appropriate. Neither the
publisher nor the author shall be liable for damages arising herefrom.
For general information about our other products and services, please contact our Customer Care
Department within the United States at (800) 762-2974, outside the United States at (317) 572-3993 or
fax (317) 572-4002.
Wiley publishes in a variety of print and electronic formats and by print-on-demand. Some material
included with standard print versions of this book may not be included in e-books or in print-ondemand. If this book refers to media such as a CD or DVD that is not included in the version you
purchased, you may download this material at http://booksupport.wiley.com. For more information
about Wiley products, visit www.wiley.com.
ISBN 978-1-118-95014-2 (pbk); ISBN 978-1-118-95015-9 (ebk); ISBN 978-1-118-95016-6 (ebk)
13
14
Dedication
In memory of my parents, Betty and Peter Rivoli.
15
16
Preface
How Student Protests Sent a Business Professor
Around the World
On a cold day in February 1999, I watched a crowd of about 100 students
gather on the steps of Healy Hall, the gothic centerpiece of the Georgetown
University campus. The students were raucous and passionate, and campus
police milled about on the edge of the crowd, just in case. As speaker after
speaker took the microphone, the crowd cheered almost every sentence. The
crowd had a moral certitude, a unity of purpose, and while looking at a maze
of astonishing complexity, saw with perfect clarity only the black and white,
the good and evil. Corporations, globalization, the International Monetary
Fund (IMF), and the World Trade Organization (WTO) were the bad guys,
ruthlessly crushing the dignity and livelihood of workers around the world. A
short time later, more than 50,000 like-minded activists had joined the
students at the annual meeting of the WTO in Seattle, and by the 2002 IMF–
World Bank meetings, the crowd had swelled to 100,000. Anti-globalization
activists stymied meetings of the bad guys in Quebec, Canada, and Genoa,
Italy, as well. At the 2003 WTO meeting in Cancun, the activists were joined
by representatives from a newly energized group of developing countries, and
world trade talks broke down across a bitter rich–poor divide. Antiglobalization activists came from college campuses and labor unions,
religious organizations and shuttered textile mills, human rights groups and
African cotton farms. Lumped together, the activists were named the
globalization ‘‘backlash.’’
At first, the backlash took the establishment by surprise. Even the leftleaning Washington Post, surveying the carnage in Seattle, seemed ix
bewildered. ‘‘What Was That About?’’ they asked on the editorial page the
next day. From the offices on the high floors of the IMF building, the crowd
below was a ragtag bunch of well-intentioned but ill-informed
obstructionists, squarely blocking the only path to prosperity. According to
conventional economic wisdom, globalization and free trade offered salvation
rather than destruction to the world’s poor and oppressed. How could the
backlash be so confused?
Back at Georgetown in 1999, I watched a young woman seize the
microphone. ‘‘Who made your T-shirt?’’ she asked the crowd. ‘‘Was it a child
17
in Vietnam, chained to a sewing machine without food or water? Or a young
girl from India earning 18 cents per hour and allowed to visit the bathroom
only twice per day? Did you know that she lives 12 to a room? That she
shares her bed and has only gruel to eat? That she is forced to work 90 hours
each week, without overtime pay? Did you know that she has no right to
speak out, no right to unionize? That she lives not only in poverty, but also in
filth and sickness, all in the name of Nike’s profits?’’
I did not know all this. And I wondered about the young woman at the
microphone. How did she know?
I decided to investigate. During the following 6 years, I traveled the world to
investigate the story of the people, politics, and markets that created my
cotton T-shirt. I not only found out who made my T-shirt, but I also followed
its life over thousands of miles and across three continents. The first and
second editions of this book were published in 2005 and 2009, respectively,
and I continue to speak with academic colleagues, factory owners,
policymakers, activists, and students about the complex and important issues
illuminated by the life story of this simple product. As I write this in June
2014, I am both amazed and humbled by the continued interest in this story.
What can the biography of a simple product contribute to current debates
over global trade? When I began this project in 1999, I was pulled in one
direction by my wish to tell this story but in another direction by my concern
that the story was a lesser mode of inquiry, a methodology that was somehow
not up to the task of illuminating the complex issue of global trade. In
general, stories are out of style today in business and economic research.
Little of consequence can be learned from stories, the argument goes,
because they offer us only ‘‘anecdotal’’ data. According to accepted
methodological wisdom in academic research, what really happened at a
place and time—the story, the anecdote—might be entertaining but it is
intellectually empty: Stories do not allow us to formulate a theory, to test a
theory, or to generalize. As a result, researchers today have more data, faster
computers, and better statistical methods, but fewer and fewer personal
observations. Yet I now believe that while impersonal engagement with data
and statistical models is a critical component of knowledge creation, critical
as well is personal engagement and observation. The continued interest in
Travels of a T-Shirt, and especially its adoption for a variety of university
courses, has validated my early hope that biographies and stories can
illuminate questions in economics and politics that data and statistical
18
analyses cannot.
I remain inspired by the esteemed role of stories and biographies in
scholarship in many disciplines outside of business and economics. Richard
Rhodes, in his Pulitzer Prize–winning book, The Making of the Atomic
Bomb, peels back, layer by layer, the invention of the atomic bomb. In the
process, he illuminates the process of intellectual progress of a community of
geniuses at work. Laurel Ulrich, in A Midwife’s Tale, uses the diary of a
seemingly unremarkable woman to construct a story of a life in the woods of
Maine 200 years ago, revealing the economy, social structure, and physical
life of a place in a manner not otherwise possible. And in Enterprising Elites,
historian Robert Dalzell gives us the stories of America’s first industrialists
and the world they built in nineteenth-century New England, thereby
revealing the process of industrialization. So, the story, whether of a person
or a thing, might not merely reveal a life but illuminate the bigger world that
formed the life. This remains my objective for the story of my T-shirt. And
while economic and political lessons emerge from my T-shirt’s story, the
lessons are not the starting point. In other words, the point of my T-shirt’s
story is not to convey morals but to discover them, and simply to see where
the story leads.
Of course there is no such thing as an objective storyteller, and I brought to
Travels of a T-Shirt my own biases. Because I have spent my career teaching
in a business school, and because of my academic background in finance and
economics, I share with my colleagues the somewhat off-putting tendency to
believe that if everyone understood what we understood—if they ‘‘got it’’—
they wouldn’t argue so much. More than 200 years after Adam Smith
advanced his case for free trade in The Wealth of Nations, we are still trying
to make sure that our students, fellow citizens, and colleagues in the English
department ‘‘get it’’ because we are sure that once they understand, everyone
will agree with us. When I happened by the protests at Georgetown and
listened to the T-shirt diatribe, my first thought was that the young woman,
however well-intentioned and impassioned, just didn’t get it. She needed a
book—maybe this book—to explain things. But after following my T-shirt
around the world, and after 15 years spent talking to farmers, politicians,
factory owners, and labor activists, my biases aren’t quite so biased anymore.
Trade and globalization debates have long been polarized on the virtues
versus evils of market forces. Economists in general argue that international
market competition creates a tide of wealth that (at least eventually) will lift
19
all boats, while critics worry about the effects of unrelenting market forces,
especially upon workers. Free trade in apparel, in particular, critics worry,
leads only to a downward spiral of wages and working conditions that ends
somewhere in the depths of a Charles Dickens novel. A primary lesson to
emerge from my T-shirt’s life story, however, is that the importance of
markets is often overstated by both globalizers and critics. While my T-shirt’s
life story is certainly influenced by competitive economic markets, the key
events in the T-shirt’s life are less about competitive markets than they are
about politics, history, and creative maneuvers to avoid market competition.
Even those who laud the effects of competitive markets are loathe to
experience them personally, so the winners in my T-shirt’s life are adept not
so much at competing in markets but in avoiding them. The effects of these
avoidance maneuvers can have more damaging effects on the poor and
powerless than market competition itself. In short, my T-shirt’s story turned
out to be less about markets than I would have predicted, and more about the
historical and political webs in which the markets are embedded. In peeling
the onion of my T-shirt’s life—whether in 1999 or 2014—I kept being led
away from traditional business topics and instead to history and politics.
Many once-poor countries (Taiwan or Japan, for example) have become
richer due to globalization, and many still-poor countries (China or India) are
nowhere near as poor as they once were. The poorest countries in the world,
however, many in Africa, have yet to benefit from globalization in any
sustained way. My T-shirt’s life reveals the wealth-enhancing possibilities of
globalization in some settings, but a ‘‘can’t-win’’ trap for the world’s poorest
countries, a trap where both markets and politics seem to doom the
economic future.
My T-shirt’s story also reveals that the opposing sides of the globalization
debate are co-conspirators, however unwitting, in improving the human
condition. Economist Karl Polyani observed, in an earlier version of today’s
debate, his famed ‘‘double movement,’’ in which market forces on the one
hand were met by demands for social protection on the other.1 Polyani was
pessimistic about the prospects for reconciling the opposite sides. Later
writers—perhaps most artfully Peter Dougherty—have argued instead that
‘‘Economics is part of a larger civilizing project,’’ in which markets depend for
their very survival on various forms of the backlash.2 My T-shirt’s story
comes down on Dougherty’s side: Neither the market nor the backlash alone
presents much hope for the poor the world over who farm cotton or stitch Tshirts together, but in the unintentional conspiracy between the two sides
there is promise. The trade skeptics need the corporations, the corporations
20
need the skeptics, but most of all, the Asian sweatshop worker and African
cotton farmer need them both.
In 2014, the echoes and effects of the anti-globalization protests of 1999–
2005 are heard in many settings. Perhaps most importantly, the WTO-led
‘‘Doha Round’’ of global trade negotiations remains stalled more than a
decade after the early talks were disrupted by protestors in Seattle. The Doha
Round negotiations began with high hopes that developing countries and
their concerns would finally be welcomed into the club of the Western
countries that had historically written the rules governing world trade, and
that the 159 member countries would agree to a broad new set of rules that
would prioritize the concerns of poor countries. In 2014, however, I was not
able to find anyone who was optimistic that the round would get back on
track in the foreseeable future. ‘‘Doha is comatose,’’ was the common
judgment in 2014.
A second echo of the earlier globalization protests is the prominence of the
inequality debate in today’s moral and political discourse. This debate had a
special parallel to the earlier globalization protests during the ‘‘Occupy’’
protests that took place in the United States during 2011–2012. Since the
1970s, both income and wealth inequality have increased sharply in the
United States and in many countries, and the theme of economic justice
permeated the Occupy movement as it had the anti-globalization protests.
Whether the target was Wall Street bailouts and the financial system or the
WTO and the trade regime, the common theme of the protests was that both
power imbalances and market forces led to outcomes that rewarded the few—
particularly the ‘‘1 percent’’—at the expense of the many. A 2014 Pew Survey
found that 62 percent of Americans—and an unlikely left–right alliance—
believe that the U.S. economic system unfairly favors the powerful.3 The root
causes of growing wealth and income inequality have attracted large volumes
of research in recent years, and there is some evidence that liberalizing trade
and economic globalization have been contributing factors. While liberal
trade boosts average incomes, it often has particularly deleterious effects for
lower-skilled …
Purchase answer to see full
attachment