Understanding the History of the Latino Americans Documentary Analysis please write a 1-2 page response to the film the new lations, https://reimaginingmig

Understanding the History of the Latino Americans Documentary Analysis please write a 1-2 page response to the film the new lations, https://reimaginingmigration.org/pbs-latino-americans-the-new-latinos/ In your response you must answer the following questions:1. What did you learn this week about the hispanic and latino communities in the United States? (Please refer to the articles by Mohl and McGarrity). How does the film add to the conversation on the immigration experiences of these communities during the latter half of the 20th century?2. . The film spends some time discussing the Cuban community in Florida. McGarrity focuses on the Cuban Community in Jamaica. Describe the similarities and differences between these communities.3. How does the film contextualize the notion of return for Cuban immigrants in Florida?4. The readings for today as well as the film attend to racial and economic factors that play a role in the development of Hispanic and Latino/a diaspora. Consider the immigration debate today. In your opinion, how are these factors addressed in immigration debates today? What remains the same? What is new? Cubans in Jamaica: A Previously Neglected Segment of the Cuban Diaspora
Author(s): GAYLE McGARRITY
Source: Caribbean Quarterly, Vol. 42, No. 1, CUBA (March 1996), pp. 55-83
Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40653963
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Caribbean Quarterly
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55
Cubans in Jamaica: A Previously Neglected Segment of the
Cuban Diaspora
by
GAYLE McGARRITY
The geographical proximity between Jamaica and Cuba, the prolonged col
rule exercised over both islands by traditional, imperialist rivals (Great Brita
Spain, rivals whose levels of economic and social development, legal system
institutions, national and religious traditions were markedly different), com
with differential rates and patterns of economic growth in the two countries to
from as early as the eighteenth century, migratory flows in both directions.

migratory flows have increased in intensity at different points in time and
involved both Cubans and Jamaicans from different regions of their respe
islands, and belonging to different socioeconomic, religious, political and r
groups.
In the prolonged period of colonial dominion and expansion, which preceded
the European Conquest of the Caribbean, contact between the two territories were
varied and continuous. Cuba was the destination point for Spanish colonists, who
beat a hasty retreat from Jamaica after the successful British takeover of the island
in 1655. Even before the period of European control, the pre-Colombian, Amerindian populations of Ciboneys, Tainos and Caribes maintained close relations,
which, although frequently hostile, permitted the exchange of cultural traits and
material items between the peoples of pre-colonial Jamaica and Cuba.
Until well into the twentieth century, the principal means of communication in
Cuba were maritime, with the result that travel between Santiago de Cuba and Port
of Prince and Kingston was much easier and more frequent than that between
Santiago in Eastern Cuba , and Havana in Western Cuba. For this reason, the
development of close trade links, and of both legal and illegal forms of commerce
and travel between Cuba and Jamaica, have traditionally characterized relations
between the neighbouring island states.
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56
between the neighbouring island states.
Jamaica has always played an important political and military role in the course
of Cuban history, as Great Britain employed this, her most important Caribbean
possession, as a launching pad for destabilizing activities against the jewel of the
Spanish empire in the Caribbean, Cuba. Just as the denomination ‘a Jamaican
planter’ implied wealth, opulence and power in the metropolis, so, too, did the
designation ‘miembro de Ia sacarocracia cubana’- member of the Cuban planter
class.
During the Wars of Independence, that wracked Cuba in the Nineteenth Cen
tury, many Cubans sought refuge in Jamaica. Some of the most importan
protagonists of this revolutionary period, including Antonio Maceo and Jose Mart
lived, and developed and published political and military writings on Jamaican soi
During the first three decades of the Twentieth Century, the intense penetration of
North American capital stimulated the expansion and modernization of the Sugar
industry in Cuba. The centre of most Sugar production shifted from Western
provinces, like Havana and Matanzas, towards the Eastern provinces of Oriente
and Camaguey. This process coincided with the construction of the U.S. Nav
Base at Guantanamo, also located in the Eastern section of the island.
A basic characteristic of the Eastern section of Cuba, or Oriente province, as i
was then known prior to this period, was the scarcity of labour, which led to a
decision to permit the importation of hundreds of thousands of mainly Afro-Carib-
bean workers from Haiti and Jamaica into the region. This policy was highl
controversial, as it was in direct conflict with the policy of ‘blanqueamiento’ or
whitening, which had been promoted since the abolition of slavery by the
predominantly white Cuban socially elite.
The presence of thousands of a markedly endogamous, Jamaican population,
who clung tenaciously to their language, British nationality, customs and religion in
the Eastern sector of Cuba, favoured the penetration of black nationalist ideology
developed and propagated by the great Jamaican leader, Marcus Garvey. Thi
penetration occurred to an extent paralleled only by the degree of support enjoye
by the UNIA along the Atlantic Coast of Central America.
The dictatorships of Gerardo Machado (1924-1933) and of Fulgência Batist
(1952-1959) and the revolutionary resistance provoked by these regimes created
yet another migratory flow of Cubans towards Jamaica. The existence of th
Machado family, as prominent members of the contemporary Kingston busines

community, bears witness to the fact that Jamaica provided refuge and facilitate
exile for those on both sides of political and military conflicts in Cuba.
Between 1959 and 1961, Jamaica was second only to South Florida as a
destination for the more than one million Cubans who left the island. Althoug
some of Jamaican descent, popularly, but disparagingly referred to until quite
recently within Cuba as ‘pichones de Jamaicanos’, returned to Jamaica, th
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57
majority who opted to leave, followed other Cubans in the massive exodus towards
the United States. For the last two centuries, the United States has been the
preferred second home for most Cuban migrants. Although this predilection is
easily understandable, in view of the traditional historical and cultural links between
Cuba and its Northern neighbour only 90 miles away, the flow to the United States
has been facilitated by preferential policies, extended to Cuban refugees by successive U.S. administrations.
In 1990, Cuba entered the most severe crisis in its modern history, a crisis
which has converted everyday life into a nightmare for the majority of the Cuban
population on the island. One of the most striking characteristics of this ‘período
especial’ – Special Period, as it is euphemistically referred to, has been the
reemergence of a preoccupation, on the part of the Cubans emanating from
virtually all social sectors, with finding a way to migrate. As with the exodus of
Mariel, the characteristics of the population seeking to leave are markedly dissimilar to the majority, though certainly not all, who left in the years immediately
following the Revolution. Since 1994, the ‘crisis de los balseros’ or the plight of the
boat people has captured international attention, largely because it has involved
the exodus of members of social strata, who have not traditionally migrated, many
of them ‘campesinos’ or peasants, who have never even visited their provincial
capital, let alone the national capital of Havana. As a response to this unmanage-
able exodus, (one which citizens of Southern Florida, despite their symbolic
solidarity with those fleeing the Cuban regime, were increasingly reluctant to
absorb), the governments of both Cuba and the United States agreed to the
granting of 20,000 visas a year, to Cubans who applied through official channels.
Reacting to the abrupt narrowing of the escape hatch, by way of travelling in
virtually anything that would remain afloat, across the dangerous straits to
Southern Florida, potential Cuban ‘balseroä – or boat people increasingly explored
the feasibility of aiming for other points of disembarkation. Given the less hazardous route from the Cuban provinces of Gramma to the North Western and Eastern
Coasts of Jamaica (Discovery Bay being one of the major points of entry), Jamaica
increased in its attraction to Cuban migrants. Departure from the Eastern zone of
Cuba has the added advantage that this Coast has traditionally been less subject
to Cuban Coast Guard surveillance and patrol than the Northern coastal area, from
which those attempting to leave the island, without official authorization, have
historically departed for Southern Florida.
Aside from logistical and maritime considerations, Jamaica offers many other
advantages. Logically, these apply differently to members of the different popula-
tion groups represented in the decidedly fragmented Cuban community in
Jamaica.
1 . For those Cubans of Jamaican descent, who had been prevented by the
Cuban authorities from ‘re-establishing family links’ by travelling to Jamaica, from
the time of the triumph of the Revolution, up until the Manley era in Jamaica
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58
politics (at which time this migratory policy was liberalized considerably), Jamaica
is obviously a preferred destination. Some, though not all, have been able to trace
and re-establish contact with relatives in Jamaica, relatives who are often willing to
provide the type of assistance, which renders the gradual adaptation to a foreign
culture and society less arduous and traumatic.
2. During the period in which Cuba provided ‘ayuda internacionalista’ – International Aid to Jamaica (along with other countries throughout the Third World), many
Jamaicans developed a deep respect for the doctors, teachers and engineers, who
were willing to provide their services, in a manner in which many of their middleclass Jamaican counterparts were not, to benefit those in the most traditionally
neglected sectors of the Jamaican population -namely, the urban and rural poor.
This has resulted in a social fact, acknowledged by the majority of the Cuban
migrants, whom we interviewed in the course of the present research-namely, that
most working-class and peasant Jamaicans are welcoming and hospitable to
Cubans, regardless of their political persuasion. Many middle class and upper
class Jamaicans are also positive in their attitude to Cubans, in general. However,
with the exception of those members of these classes, who are to the left of the
Jamaican political spectrum, their affinity with Cubans is based on other social,
religious and ethnic factors, which will be explored later.
3. Despite the confusion, contradiction and abrupt changes that have charac-
terized Jamaican governmental policy toward Cuba since the early 1960’s,
Jamaica has consistently maintained a liberal attitude toward both Cuban boat
people, as well as toward those who arrive by legal means and seek to remain here
for a myriad of reasons.
As is to be expected, most working class and peasant Cubans, but certainly not
all, view Jamaica as a temporary transition point. A country in which they can work,
albeit for low wages, but earning far more than they could ever hope to in Cuba. A
place where they can learn English and accustom themselves to a markedly
different political and economic system, from that to which they are accustomed. A
nation that is not markedly different to their own, in terms of climate and topography. Professional and more highly skilled Cubans, on the other hand, often opt to
remain in Jamaica. Jamaican doctors, particularly those in private practice, gain
highly competitive salaries, particularly when compared with their colleagues in
Latin America and the rest of the Caribbean. The same is also true for engineers.
Many Cubans in these professions reason that, even if they do finally manage to
reach South Florida, they will have to take professional examinations, far more
rigorous than the ones required for Jamaica. Competition will also be much stiffer,
as there is no shortage of medical professionals or engineers in that part of the
United States. In April 1996, the Jamaican Medical Association severely restricted
the ability of immigrant Cuban doctors to practice on the island, a move deplored
by some, who saw it as symptomatic of Jamaican doctors protecting their turf, and
accepted by others, including some Cuban immigrants themselves, who con-
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sidered it reasonable that the Cubans would not have to sit the same examinations
as other foreigners before setting up shop.
4. Jamaica offers an added advantage to Cuban migrants – its proximity and
accessibility to the homeland. Telephone, telegraphic, and mail communication is
easier and more reliable, than that which exists between the United States and its
declared enemy of almost 40 years. They are at least four flights between Jamaic
and Cuba per week, rendering the remittance of desperately needed money
medicines and material goods far less difficult and costly than from Miami to Cuba
The small but significant number of Cubans who reside in Jamaica, and are able t
travel back and forth, makes it not only easy to find someone travelling home wh
might be willing to take an extra package for one’s family; it also facilitates the
process of securing someone with considerable expertise to assist with the lengthy
and bureaucratic process of obtaining permission for other members of one
family to visit Jamaica.
Having now provided a brief historical review of the relations between Cuba and
Jamaica and touching upon the reasons why the latter is a preferred destination
point for Cuban immigrants, we will now turn to some of the essential difference
between the two societies and socioeconomic categories of Cubans, who live and
work in Jamaica:
Government and the State
Jamaica is officially considered to be a representative democracy, based
Westminster model, in which two parties alternate in power. It is a countr
almost total freedom of speech and of the Press, and one possessed of a rel
independent judiciary, though one that continues to exhibit clear class bias
handing down of its legal rulings. Cuba, on the other hand, is a nominally
state, a dictatorship of the Cuban Communist party, which claims to repres
working class and peasanty. Under a system with marked similarities to the
Soviet Union, only one political party is permitted to exist, a party whos
presides over the Communist Party apparatus, Civil Government, as
Political and Mass organizations. In Cuba, the media is entirely subordinat
Communist Party control and to the current party line:
“Violations of freedom of expression, information, travel, assembly
and peaceful demonstration” have been sharply criticized by the
United Nations Human Rights Commission.”1
Economics and Migration
The Jamaican economy is a dependent capitalist one, based on the free p
market forces. In recent years, the role of the State has shrunk with alar
rapidity, converting the latter gradually into a mere instrument, operating prim
to permit both its own perpetuation and the defense of the interests of Interna
Capital and the local privileged classes. Government expenditure for
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60
programmes, such as Health, Education, Social Welfare, Community Development, Employment generation and the provision of recreational and cultural infrastructure diminishes with each passing year. The effects on the quality of life for
the poor majority has been devastating. However, as free enterprise is the accepted system, many poor Jamaicans feel that they can struggle their way out of
poverty, on an individual basis, if they can only devise the correct strategy.
Although this is not a viable solution for the majority, some born into circumstances
of extreme poverty do manage to become successful, thus perpetuating the
popular sentiment that social mobility is possible, albeit difficult.
To adequately address the precise nature of the present Cuban economy is a
complex and challenging process, unfortunately, one beyond the scope of the
present exercise. Suffice it to say, for heuristic purposes, that Cuba can be
acceptably defined as a dependent, socialist economy, one abruptly deprived of
the post- Revolutionary object of her economic dependence, i.e. the Soviet Union.
Although official policy shifts with unnerving frequency, it is undeniable that the
practice of free enterprise is clearly not a perogative of the average citizen. The
general perception among Cubans, until quite recently, was that substantial improvement in their standard of living could come only as a result of progress on the
part of the nation as a whole. The vehicle for social improvement was collective and
State determined, rather than individual. Those who despaired of material conditions improving for them on the island often focused on migration, either illegal or
legal, as the only way out.
In Jamaica, although in theory, ‘anyone can work themselves up to the top’, the
reality is that structural limitations, intrinsic to a dependent capitalist system in
crisis, prevent substantial social mobility up into economic brackets in which
desired material goods and an improved lifestyle are more accessible. The result is
a similar phenomenon to the Cuban escape hatch of migration. Official Jamaican
government estimates recently placed the number of Jamaicans and their descendants currently residing outside of the country at close to one million2. Given that
the total population of the island is not yet 3 million, this number might be somewhat inflated; however, 3/4 of a million is probably accurate. As Cuban government
estimates are that about 1 1/2 million Cubans currently reside outside of the
country, and the population of the island is about 10 million, the significance of
migration as an escape hatch is, in some sense, more significant in the Jamaican
context, than in the far more publicized Cuban case.
In April, 1996, the Jamaican government reversed their previous policy of
quietly but consistently providing refuge for fleeing Cuban boat people, and made
plans to deport 70 Cubans, who had arrived on the island a few weeks earlier, back
to their homeland. The Cubans staged a sit down strike, when the Jamaican
Government buses arrived to transport them back to boats, which would carry them
back to Cuba. The wave of support for their desire to remain on Jamaican soil was
indicative of the strong ties which have connected Cubans and Jamaicans histori-
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61
cally, despite shifting government positions. Some who called in to local talk
programs claimed that there was no political persecution in Cuba, and some
Government ministers attempted to defend their position in favour of deportation,
by emphasizing the lawlessness’ of the Cuban refugees. The latter claimed that
the Jamaican Embassy in Havana had conducted thorough investigations and
concluded that returning Cubans would be treated well.
However, such opinions appeared to be in the minority. The overwhelming
majority of those Jamaicans, who expressed an opinion, displayed sympathy for,
and solidarity with the …
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