Temple University The Presence of Ethnic Authenticity Paper Read only pages 538-543 and response to the question: According to the reading, what does it m

Temple University The Presence of Ethnic Authenticity Paper Read only pages 538-543 and response to the question:

According to the reading, what does it mean for ethnic food in the United States to be authentic? And what does the Americanization of ethnic food entail?
Does the Americanization of ethnic food in the US pose any problems? What are they?
What are the constraints that prevent the presentation of authentic Chinese food in America? In other words, why is it hard for Chinese restaurants to offer Chinese ethnic food in America? Please explain.
In your opinion, is “authenticity” attainable or possible? Why? Why not? What does “authenticity of food mean for you anyways? The Presentation of Ethnic Authenticity: Chinese Food as a Social Accomplishment
Author(s): Shun Lu and Gary Alan Fine
Source: The Sociological Quarterly, Vol. 36, No. 3 (Summer, 1995), pp. 535-553
Published by: Wiley on behalf of the Midwest Sociological Society
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THEPRESENTATION
OF ETHNICAUTHENTICITY:
Chinese Food as a Social Accomplishment
Shun Lu*
Gary Alan Fine
Universityof Georgia
Ethnicentrepreneurs
in American
societyoftencarveoutan economicnicheby meansof
businessenterprises
andculturaleventsthatareopento thegeneralpublicandshowcase
ethnicculture.Theselocationsdependupona displayof theethnicculturethatis simultaandwithinthe boundsof culturalexpectations
neouslyseenas “authentic”
(“AmericanIn
a
that
values
toleration
and cross-cultural
ized”).
contacts,manyconsumers
society
desirea unique,yetcomfortable
Wefocus
experience,
giventheirowncultural
preferences.
on the presentation
of ethnicfood in fourChineserestaurants
in a smallsoutherncity.
Ethnictradition
continues
butin thecontextof a continuous
Authenprocessof adaptation.
is
not
an
butis sociallyconstructed
criterion
andlinkedto expectations.
We
ticity
objective
contrast
twobroadclassesof Chineserestaurants–consumption-oriented
andconnoisseuroriented-todescribestrategies
fitChinesefoodintomarketniches.
bywhichrestaurateurs
We concludeby suggesting
somedirections
forthestudyof publicethnicculture.
In contemporaryAmericansociety, ethnicityis revealed as much by symbolism through
public display as by any other factor. While the display of ethnicitydoes not eliminate its
social psychologicalpowerto affect self-image,much ethnicityis made real throughcultural
transactions:a viable ethnicidentitydependson a set of symbolsand signs, productsof interactionwith othergroups(Royce 1982, p. 6; Gans 1979; Van den Berghe 1984, pp. 393-394;
Isajiw 1990, p. 87). At least in the Americancontext, ethnic identityis socially constructed
and depends on a set of consistentactions that permitsothers to place an individualin an
ethnic category(Alba 1990, p. 75). This is the case even when such culturalplacementdoes
not do justice to the complex and multistrandedlived experiencesof contemporary”ethnic”
actorswhose ethnic experiencesare continuallyshaped(throughacquiescenceor resistance)
by the responsesof membersof the societies in which the ethnic group is embedded(Chow
1993, p. 6; Denzin 1994, pp. 76-77). This process is in actualityquite fluid and negotiated.
The understandingof the dynamicsof “ethnicity”is bolsteredthroughan approachthat
emphasizesthe transactionsbetweenthe “ethnicgroup”andits public. Significantly,many of
the transactionsby which ethnicityis made”real”are economicallygrounded:festivals, restaurants,artgalleries,clothingoutlets,andmusicalvenues.Ethnicityoften becomes a marketmarket.
ing tool, partof an entrepreneurial
We aim to advancethe sociologicalunderstanding
of publiclydisplayedethnicity,acculturations and culturalpluralismby examininga set of mercantilestrategies-specifically, the
*Directall correspondenceto ShunLu and GaryAlan Fine, Departmentof Sociology, Universityof Georgia,Athens,GA 30602.
The SociologicalQuarterly, Volume 36, Number 3, pages 535-553.
Copyright ? 1995 by The Midwest SociologicalSociety.
All rights of reproductionin any form requested.
ISSN: 0038-0253.
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536
THESOCIOLOGICAL
Vol. 36/No. 3/1995
QUARTERLY
preparationand sale of Chinese food to Americandiners.’ We examinethe choices of food
preparationand presentationof restaurateurswhose client base consists largely of those
outside the ethnic group.2
We ask how ethnicfood, as a readilyrecognizedmarkerof ethnicityand as a majorformof
traditionalculture(Goode, Curtis,and Theophano,1984; Alba 1990, pp. 85-93) is produced
and marketedin contemporaryAmericansociety. How do Chinese restaurantowners make
theirfood appealingto those outsidetheirethnicgroup?We examinethe constructsof authenticity and Americanizationas contrastingstrategiesto createan economicallyviable market
niche. Moregenerally,we explorethe dialecticrelationshipbetweenthe continuityof tradition
and the continuousprocessof changefoundin the presentationof “traditional”
activities.For
clients outsidethe ethnicgroup,novel culinarytraditionsmustbe situatedso as to seem simultaneously exotic and familiar:distinguishablefrom mainstreamcuisine (and thus desirable)
yet able to be assimilatedas edible creations(Finkelstein1989).
In contrastto many ethnic businesses, Chinese restaurantsrely primarilyon an external
ratherthanan internalmarket(AldrichandWaldinger1990;Lightand Bonacich 1988). Owners are “culturalentrepreneurs,”
who use their ethnicityas a “vital part of [their] stock in
trade”(Palmer 1984, p. 85). Their strategiespermitclients to believe that they have had an
“exotic encounter,”while keeping the experiencewithin the boundariesof culturalexpectations-strategies also found in the touristindustryand public festivals (Chace 1992). Ethnic
businesses can succeed by providingdesired”exotic goods” and opportunitiesfor “internal
tourism”(Van den Berghe 1984, p. 393) thatotherorganizationscannotprovideas cheaplyor
as authentically(Aldrichand Waldinger1990, p. 117). The scarcityof the experiencecontributes to its marketability(Palmer 1984).
The membersof the grouprecognizethat theirtraditionalcultureis being altered,but simultaneouslythey believe that they are educatingtheir clients to understandtheir culture.
Ethnic food both attemptsto fit the market(demandproducingsupply), while alteringthat
marketover time (supply producingdemand).As suggestedby FrederikBarth(1969), the
questionis how much changein a culturaltraditionis possible before we claim thatthe culturaltraditionno longer characterizesthe ethnic groupfrom which it is supposedlyderived.
THE CHINESERESTAURANT
The ethnic restaurantserves as a propitioussetting for observingpublic ethnicity and the
Americanlife. Typically,the examinationof
dynamicsof culinaryadaptationin contemporary
in
has
been
the
context
of
domestic
life.
Yet ethnicrestaurants,as a locus for the
foodways
interactionbetween food productionand consumption,providea significantand unexplored
organizationalarenafor depicting the conflict between continuityand change of an ethnic
traditionin a marketcontext. How does symbolism become solidified in economic life
(Denzin 1977)?Ethnicdiningplays a prominentrole in modernAmericanlife (Konvitz 1975),
particularlyas approximatelyhalf of the meals eatenby Americansare consumedoutsidethe
home.3 Moreover,Americansenjoy “gastronomictourism”(Zelinsky 1985, p. 51).
The Chinese restauranthas become a nearly ubiquitousfeature of Americanurbanand
suburbanlife (Levenstein1993).4 It has been estimatedthat there are now over 30,000 Chinese restaurantsin the UnitedStates,saccountingfor nearlya thirdof all “ethnicrestaurants”
(Zelinsky 1985, p. 60), with revenuesof $9 billion (Karnow1994, p. 87). Such figuresare
particularlyremarkablein that Americansof Chinesedescentrepresentless than one percent
of the population.
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The Presentationof EthnicAuthenticity
537
Chineserestaurantsserve as a model for the examinationof ethnicdining.6Chinesefood is
one of the most popularand sophisticatedcuisinesin the worldand enjoys a long and distinctive tradition.In addition,the success of Chineserestaurantsprovidesa valuablecase of the
growth and institutionalizationof an “alien”culture.Chinese food has been regardedas “a
taste of success”(Epstein 1993), as the cuisine has become widely accepted.Chineserestaurants in the past few decades have increasinglybecome differentiatedaccordingto region,
cuisine, and audience,ranging from run-downstorefrontsto elaboratetemples of culinary
extravagance.Indeed,Chineserestaurantsarenow foundthroughoutthe Americanlandscape,
even in small towns and ruralareas.
We describethe food preparationstrategiesof four Chineserestaurants(China Fast-Food
Restaurant,ChinaBoat, Guangdong,and Sichuan)in Athens,Georgia,the home of the University of Georgia.Athenshas a populationof 80,000 and is locatedaboutsixty miles northeast of Atlanta.Shun Lu conductedparticipantobservationfrom April to August of 1992,
observing food preparation,cooking, and serving. She also conducted26 interviews with
owners, cooks, and customers.Each interviewlasted from one to three hours.
The University,with nearly30,000 studentsin additionto its faculty and staff, providesa
largeproportionof potentialcustomersfor local restaurants.ApproximatelyfourhundredChinese studentsattendthe university(largelygraduatestudents),half fromthe mainlandand half
from Taiwan, constituting1.4 percentof the total studentpopulation.These students,on a
tight graduatestudentbudget,typicallypreparemeals at home ratherthan eat at restaurants,
and eat at Chinese restaurantsless frequentlythan Americanstudents.
Eight Chineserestaurantsoperatein Athens.SichuanRestaurantis the oldest one currently
in operation,having opened twenty years ago. By contrast,China Boat opened three years
ago; China Fast-FoodRestauranthas been open for seven years; and Guangdongfor eight
years. The backgroundsof the owners are characteristicof Chinese who have immigrated
since the 1960s-most eitherhave a college degreeor hadprofessionalexperiencebeforethey
enteredthe restaurantbusiness:the ownersof Guangdongare graduatesof the Universityof
Georgia(the male owner is a professor);the owners of ChinaFast-FoodRestaurantare college graduatesfromTaiwan;the male owner of ChinaBoat used to be a universityprofessor
in mainlandChinaandhas a doctoratefromthe Universityof Georgia.Serversin these restaurantsare eitheruniversitystudentswho work part-timeor students’spouses who work fulltime but often are preparingto enter a graduateprogramonce they have earned sufficient
income for tuition and living expenses. The cooks are professionals,trainedat various Chinese restaurants.The presenceof a well-educatedstaff is a distinctivecharacteristicof many
Chinese restaurants.
Unlike many older immigrantswho live in an urbanChinatown,the Chinese in Athens do
not form a closed ethniccommunity.They do not rely on mutualhelp and supportfrom other
Chinese for survival and success. Thus, social ties between Chinese immigrantsare looser
than those found in a traditionalChinatown.The existence of these restaurantsreflects a
changingsettlementpatternby Chineseimmigrantsoutsidetight-knitethnic enclaves. These
Chinese immigrants,unlike their forbears,rely less on their relativesand are less bound by
“bloodand land ties” (Light 1972). They are career-orientedand settle in places where they
perceive economic opportunities.
In addition,theirattitudetowardtheirculturalheritagedifferfromthe assimilation-oriented
immigrants’children.The owners are Americancitizens but believe that they are still Chinese. In otherwords,they maintaina strongsense of Chineseidentity,despitetheir economic
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538
THESOCIOLOGICAL
Vol. 36/No. 3/1995
QUARTERLY
assimilation.They do not considerthese elements-maintenance of culturaltraditionandparticipationin a nonethnicmarket-as irreconcilable(Wang 1991).7
Ethnicrestaurantsoutsidea majormetropolitanareasurviveby appealingto an exogenous
client base. Even though universitycommunitiesare more cosmopolitanthan many small
southerncities, they lack a sufficientChinese and ChineseAmericanclientele for economic
survival.Chineserestaurantssurroundedby mainstreamAmericanculturenecessarilyinteract
environmentas comparedto restaurantslocated in
primarilywith a “European-American”
“Chinatown.”The realitythatmoreAmericansthanChineseare potentialcustomersandthat
no closed Chinese communityexists suggests that the eating habits and culturalimages of
Americanswill take priorityin organizationalstrategies.
AUTHENTICITYAND AMERICANIZATION
A prominentfeatureof muchethnicfood in contemporaryAmericais thatthe ethnic”purity”
of the food has been diluted(Alba 1990, p. 86). As in all cases of culturaldiffusion,adjustments are madeto accommodatethe values of the host society. Yet, degreesof Americanization varyby restaurantand by cuisine.By Americanization
we referto the conscious decision
of restaurateursto transformingredientsand techniquesof traditionalrecipes (Tomlinson
1986) to meet Americantastes.8WhatconstitutesAmericanizedfood is a social construction,
as is what constitutesChinesefood. Despitethe changes,food is often presentedby the ethnic
restaurantas being “authentic”-for manyconsumers,a socially desirableimage in a competitive and differentiatedmarket.This is not a phenomenonspecific only to Chinese restaurants-signs proclaim”authenticItalianfood” or “authenticMexicanfood,” despite marketbased adaptationsof these cuisines. Authenticityis typically definedas being that which is
believed or acceptedto be genuineor real:trueto itself (Taylor1991, p. 17). Authenticfood
implies that productsare preparedusing the same ingredientsand processes as found in the
homelandof the ethnic, national,or regionalgroup.Americanizedethnic food suggeststhat
the local and traditionalcharacteristicsof the dish as indigenouslypreparedhave been modified or transformed.In this “moral”sense, the food does not deserve the label of being
authentic.
Authenticityas an objective categoryhas become increasinglycriticizedby culturalanalysts (e.g., Bendix 1992) who claim thatauthenticityis a discursivestrategyfor sociopolitical
ends (Berman1970; Taylor 1991) and that, at best, it is a matterof degree.Authenticityis a
locally constructedfolk idea, and those objectsthatare said to representauthenticexperience
may become a site of contention.Justas traditionis mutableand contingent(Hobsbawmand
Ranger 1984; Fine 1989), so is authenticity.Within a culture,differentacceptablemodels
exist for the same practice.
Contributingto the contingentnatureof authenticityis thatthe cultureof any social group
is in continualflux. Culturesare never entirelyclosed systems:externalchanges affect cultural logics. Nowhere is this more evident than with regardto cuisine. From generationto
generation,some culinarypreparationsand foodwaysabsorbfeaturesof “alien”foods-perhaps a function of biological succession of foodstuffs, migration,technological change,
shortages,or alterationsin food-relatedideologies (e.g., increasednegative attitudestoward
red meats, sugar,fat, or animalproducts;increasedpositive attitudestowardfish, turkey,or
leafy greens).The vitalityof a culinarysystem dependson its adaptabilityand flexibility.The
maintenanceof a food patterndoes not dependon whetherit is identicalwith an original
of the food are definedas being conmodel but on whetherthe “fundamental”
characteristics
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The Presentationof EthnicAuthenticity
539
tinuouslypresent,connectedto core culturalbeliefs, and recognizedas a differentiatedfood
pattern.
The practiceof presentingAmericanizedethnic food as authenticraises significantsociological questionsaboutthe presentationof ethnicityin the marketplace.Specifically,how is
authenticityframedfor an audience?How does authenticityaffect the dishes presentedby a
restaurant?How does marketsegmentationaffect models of authenticity?
In “StagedAuthenticity,”Dean MacCannell(1973; see also 1976) arguesthat many sightseers are motivatedby a desireto see the life of nativesas it is really lived, a desire for truth,
intimacy, and sharing the lived experience behind the performed scenes. The touristic
(voyeuristic)gaze is only one exampleof the desire for authenticityin contemporaryAmerican life. Motivatedby the same desire, a search for authenticexperience is also found in
Americans’interestin ethnic foods (Finkelstein1989; Shelton 1990). If tourists’ search for
authenticityis reflectedby their concernfor fabricatedscenes, their dislike of the mundane,
and their preferencefor the exotic, many dinersfeel that the culinaryauthenticityof ethnic
food allows them to experienceand perhapsidentifywith the “trueforeignness”of the ethnic
group: eating out becomes food for the “soul”(Pillsbury 1990)-a form of identity work
(Snow and Anderson 1987). Throughthe consumptionof ethnic cuisine we demonstrateto
ourselvesandothersthatwe arecosmopolitanandtolerant:ourcharacteris expressedthrough
our behaviorin the market.In this sense, the clich&–“youare whatyou eat”-has sociological validity. The constructionof authenticfood respondsto American’squest for authentic
(Gergen 1991).
experienceand identitytransformation
Due to the sensory characteristicsof food and dining, demandsfor authenticityand the
actual,more conventionalpracticesof most dinersdiverge.Ourproclaimedidentitymay diverge from our comfortlevel. In otherwords,a discrepancyexists between ideal and acceptance, even when diners are unawareof the contradictionin their desires. The seemingly
contradictoryrequirementsof ethnic food-ideally, it should be authentic;practically, it
shouldbe Americanized-make it necessaryfor the restaurantto constructboth the meaning
of authenticfood and a marketniche, in the process creatingan image of their culturaltraditions for their customers,as they create images of their customers.As a result, the naming
practicesof ownersof Chineserestaurants-JadeLion, LotusFlower,SichuanGardens,Pearl
River-are strategiesdesignedto reinforcethe desireof dinersfor exotic experience(Karnow
1994, p. 87) and to generatean exotic hyperreality.
In the literatureon ethnicity,ethnic food is typically located within families and ethnic
communities.Many social scientistsexpectedthatdistinctivefoodwayswould weakenor disappearwith increasingassimilationand acculturation(Freemanand Grivetti 1981; Jerome
1975). In fact, later generationsof immigrantstend in some measureto discardthe eating
habits of their parentsor grandparentsand adopt the standardAmericandiet, saving their
ethniccuisine for specialoccasions(e.g., Brownand Mussell 1984). The survivaland modificationof ethnicculturein publiclife is madepossible largelythroughthe continuityof ethnic
food in restaurantsand fast-foodestablishments.While this contrastswith a puristbelief in
authenticethnic experience,it generatesa dialecticbetween assimilationand culturalpluralism (Alba 1985; Glazerand Moynihan1963; Newman 1973).
THE AMERICANIZATIONOF CHINESEFOOD
When asked, many Chinesecustomerscomment-not surprisingly-that the food served in
Chineserestaurantsin Athensdiffersfromthe food they ate in their homeland.These restau-
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540
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rants serve “AmericanizedChinese food” (Yancey 1992). Given the alien environment,is it
possible to serve authenticChinese food to Americandiners? Each owner and cook interviewe…
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