Northeastern Jackson Charter Academy Case Study Read the case and answer the following questions. What was the social need or problem that needed fixing?

Northeastern Jackson Charter Academy Case Study Read the case and answer the following questions. What was the social need or problem that needed fixing? Why does this need exist? Where does it exist? How did Mia Parsons and Jackson Charter Academy “fix” it? Have they been successful? What is your rationale for saying so?Your response should be 2 pages single spaced. Jackson Academy: Building a Charter School Network
Background
In 1993, the Commonwealth of Massachusetts passed legislation authorizing the creation of
charter schools. Charter schools were publicly funded K-12 schools that were granted autonomy
to manage their own programs and finances. They were also periodically reviewed to ensure
academic quality and performance and were held to the same standards as public schools. In
2013, there were nearly 80 charter schools in the state, serving over 27,000 students. Another
35,000 students were on waiting lists.
In 2006, Mia Parsons, founder and Executive Director of the Jackson Charter Academy, opened
her first charter school in Chelsea, Massachusetts. She envisioned an academy that was more
than a charter school, by providing education to high risk youth who were underserved in a
traditional school setting. Parsons drew heavily on her background to provide insights into the
potential of high risk youth. She began her career in the early 1990s as a Teach for America
(TFA) teacher in South Central Los Angeles working with the gang-involved parents of her
students. She quickly came to see education as a major lever for change. However, the idea for
Jackson took shape later when Parsons returned to Massachusetts and worked at Girls Inc. in
Lynn. Girls, Inc. was a North America-wide organization that offered informal education
programs for girls from low income families. While working for Girls, Inc., Parsons constantly
encountered high-capability low-skilled teenage women who were being underserved by public
high schools. She believed that with the right intervention, these youth could be offered an
unparalleled educational experience. Parsons envisioned a charter school with high expectations
and high levels of support for very high-risk youth.
Jackson Charter Academy in Chelsea focused on serving disconnected youth ages 14-22. It
blended the philosophies of charter schools and community intervention programs to create a
unique offering in the alternative education world: rigorous academics, a demanding culture and
social supports designed to develop the perseverance and spirit necessary to succeed. The school
could enroll up to 215 students, but due to the complexity of these students’ lives and multiple
enrollment points during the year, the full-time equivalent student count was closer to 175. As a
regional charter school, Jackson students came from multiple communities, including Chelsea,
Boston, Revere and Lynn. After overcoming some early challenges, Jackson made significant
progress in developing and refining a model that delivered on Parsons’ vision.
Staff
Initially, Parsons hired veteran teachers to fill key roles. However, the results were mixed and the
school experienced a high staff turnover. Many, who were accustomed to traditional school
environments, found the Jackson model and student body to be more challenging than they had
expected. However, as Parsons began to fill vacancies with personnel from the Teach for
America program, where she continued to have strong personal connections, she discovered that
these young, and often inexperienced, teachers were often better suited to the job than veteran
teachers.
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Parsons found that Teach for America placements were more adaptable to the Jackson school
environment. They were young, idealistic, and willing to work longer hours for less pay. For
instance, a new TFA recruit at Jackson earned $43,000 per year, compared to average salaries of
more than $60,000 for Boston area public school teachers. As Jackson filled positions with
younger, less experienced teachers, turnover declined and the quality of service improved.
Jackson also engaged AmeriCorps to fill key tutoring roles. Founded in 1994, AmeriCorps was a
US federal government program that was often viewed as the domestic equivalent to the Peace
Corps. AmeriCorps volunteers were not paid a salary, but instead received a fellowship and
stipend that totaled approximately $15,000 per year. Most AmeriCorps volunteers were new
college graduates who sought to gain work experience before starting teaching and human
services careers.
The Jackson AmeriCorps Urban Fellowship consisted of more than 40 full-time “Fellows”
(AmeriCorps volunteers), each of whom tutored students in math, English, and biology, with a
particular emphasis on state exams. AmeriCorps Fellows spent up to four hours a day on tutoring
and served as mentors for students with a history of truancy and court involvement. They also
assisted teachers in classrooms by providing extra support to struggling students, particularly
students who were not native English speakers. Fellows were expected to be on the school
campus from 7:45 in the morning to 6:15 in the evening, every weekday. In addition, many
Fellows chose to devote additional time to extra-curricular activities. These included working on
the yearbook committee and school newspaper, facilitating language clubs, and coaching sports
teams.
Target Population
Jackson recruited high school dropouts or students who were “off-track” in regard to their age
and credit accumulation and had a high risk of not graduating. Off-track students were at least
two years behind in credit accumulation. Students were segmented into five distinct groups (see
Exhibit 1 for breakout of Jackson students by age and risk factor), which include:
1. Old and Far: Students are 18 or over and at least two years behind;
2. Old and Close: Students are 18 at entry, but have less than two years of credits to
accumulate before being eligible for graduation;
3. Young and Far: Students are under 18, and are two years or greater behind;
4. On-Track: Students have accumulated an appropriate amount of credits for their age;
5. Very High Risk: These factors include persistently truant, out of school (dropped out, but
haven’t been out of school long enough to be off-track), court involvement, using drugs,
and pregnant or parenting).
Students came from a variety of backgrounds. Jackson collaborated with public school guidance
counselors, case managers from child welfare, juvenile justice, gang task forces, police
departments and probation officers to identify and refer target students. Student recruitment staff
also traversed the city by foot and bus during the school day, recruiting youth directly off the
street. As a charter school, Jackson was not permitted to pick its students, but its recruitment
strategies ensured the lottery included students primarily drawn from its target population.
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Unlike most other charter schools, Jackson had five lotteries and enrollment periods throughout
the year in an effort to reach and enroll its target population.
The Jackson Model
Student Support: The student population presented a wide range of challenges that were daily
barriers to their success. Jackson recognized and addressed many of these challenges to promote
student persistence and success. For instance, the school offered full-time childcare for teenage
mothers who wanted to attend classes and complete assignments. Staff willingly stayed late to
give students access to school resources to complete their homework. And teachers even
provided rides to and from school for students who struggled with transportation or truancy.
The Student Support Team consisted of the Dean of Students, two on-site social workers, the
Retention and Intervention Specialist, the Coordinator of Recruitment and Student Engagement,
and the Student Support Specialist. The team relentlessly monitored students and pushed them to
engage in school. In the students’ words, the staff “harasses you, making sure you come to
school, complete your homework and are on your game.” This type of attention was often
jarring and aggravating for students who were used to the hands-off approach of most public
schools. However, when they came to realize that the attention was genuine, they began to accept
the extra support that they lacked in their home life. Although most students did not like the
dress code, behavior requirements, rigorous homework assignments and food at Jackson, they
valued having teachers who sincerely cared about their success.
Jackson provided both structure and flexibility to its students. For instance, the school
maintained a strict attendance and behavior policy, which caused many students to initially drop
out of Jackson before they adjusted to its culture and adapted their behavior. At the same time,
once students dropped out, the Jackson Attendance Transformation Team immediately sought to
re-enroll them the following quarter by tirelessly texting, calling and visiting out-of-school
students to convince them to return.
Students typically progressed through stages at Jackson as they increasing took responsibility for
their actions and future, committed to school and advanced towards graduation. A critical
element of the school’s success was maintaining a mix of students in different stages. As early
stage students learned how to show up to school every day, mid-stage and late stage students,
who have faced similar struggles and school failures, served as role models of academic success.
Advanced students demonstrated that graduation was attainable and worthwhile.
Academic Support
Jackson held its students to the same academic standards, regardless of circumstance. At a
minimum, students had to pass challenging courses that would enable them to enroll and succeed
in a 2-year college without taking remedial courses. In order to become eligible for graduation,
students had to complete upper level English courses, Algebra II, and Physics or Chemistry.
They also had to obtain an acceptance letter from a college or university. As such, Jackson’s
graduation requirements exceeded the graduation requirements of many public schools.
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Jackson recognized the challenge faced by students in catching up to, and exceeding, their peers
in public schools. The school provided an academic model designed around four key
components:
1. Extra Time: Students attend for 8 hours a day, 190 days a year, often staying well past
the official 5 p.m. end of school;
2. Intense Individualized Tutoring: Jackson enlisted the support of AmeriCorps to launch
the Jackson Tutoring Fellowship in 2009. The Tutoring Fellows provided individualized
tutoring for all students, with the greatest amount of tutoring occurring in the student’s
state exam (MCAS) years (see Exhibit 2);1
3. Rigorous Use of Meaningful Data: Students were assessed on a regular cycle
throughout the year to highlight areas of concern and inform instruction; and
4. College Bound Curriculum: Jackson’s curriculum was backwards mapped to college
success, rather than to minimal high school graduation requirements. Jackson offered
two Advanced Placement (AP) courses in Physics and Literature and Composition, as
well as advanced math classes. More than half of Jackson seniors were enrolled in at least
one AP course.
Jackson’s Results
To measure student success, Jackson relied on relative and absolute graduation rates and MCAS
scores. Comparing Jackson to other schools, however, was like comparing apples to oranges. In
general, district schools served a much less challenging population. Nevertheless, Jackson’s
MCAS scores made significant progress compared to other alternative programs and to nearby
district schools (see Exhibit 3).
Jackson had a much lower graduation rate than Boston public and charter high schools. The
graduation rate for Jackson was 34 percent, while graduation rates for Boston Public Schools and
Chelsea Public Schools were 70 percent and 60 percent, respectively. However, the school’s
leadership team did not expect graduation rates to be on par with other schools, because Jackson
served a higher risk target population and provided more challenging academic expectations than
most inner city schools.
On many measures, Jackson significantly outperformed other alternative schools. The school
sought to have more than 70 percent of students perform at the advanced or proficient level on
state exams, and to have students enroll in colleges and universities without the need for
remedial courses. Many Jackson students achieved success across all these goals.
Financials
1
The Massachusetts Comprehensive Assessment System (MCAS) was a state testing program required by all public
school students in Massachusetts. “As required by the Education Reform Law, students must pass the grade 10
tests in English Language Arts (ELA), Mathematics and one of the four high school Science and Technology
Engineering tests as one condition of eligibility for a high school diploma (in addition to fulfilling local
requirements).” Source: http://www.doe.mass.edu/mcas/overview.html Accessed February 26, 2014
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The Jackson Academy depended on three main sources of revenue:
1. School Management Fee: For the breadth of services provided, the school charged a 10
percent management fee; this was in the range of fees charged by other schools, but on
the high end of national norms, which was between 8 and 10 percent. However, the
higher fees were believed to be justified by the extra supports required, compared to most
charter schools.
2. Public Grants: Jackson received funding from the state government, both to launch the
school and to support ongoing expenses.
3. Private Philanthropy: Jackson Academy received limited individual and foundation
funding, but was actively pursuing new funders to help it expand.
The per pupil office expenses were similar to other high-performing charter operators, despite
Jackson’s unique model and costs. However, if Jackson were to expand to three schools, it
would incur a near term operating deficit (see Exhibit 4). Jackson was examining the possibility
of opening additional schools to defray the fixed administrative costs associated with managing a
network of charter schools.
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Exhibit 1
Jackson Students – Age and Credit Accumulation
6
Exhibit 2
2008-2012 Jackson MCAS – % Proficient/Advanced
7
Exhibit 3
2012 MCAS % Proficient/Advanced – Jackson vs. Alt Ed and Surrounding Districts
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Exhibit 4
Phoenix Charter
Jackson Network
OfficeAcademy
Proposed Budget
CMO-Home Office
Summary Budget
Number of schools
Number of students
Expenses
Total Expenses
Income
Network Fees
Committed Funds
Income Gap (Surplus)
FY13
2
308
#REF!
345,968
FY14
2
335
#REF!
1,531,078
272,775
472,370
(399,177)
409,100
329,000
792,978
510,000
282,978
Funding Prospects
Remaining Funding Gap
0
Capital Need
Total Operating and Capital Gap
FY15
3
485
FY16
3
565
1,713,313
1,744,983
583,800
684,000
1,129,513
1,060,983
785,000
344,513
950,000
110,983
344,513
110,983
900,000
0
1,182,978
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Appendix 1
Jackson School-level Per Pupil Expenses – Breakdown of Additional Student Expense
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Jackson Charter Academy: Dilemma
Mia Parsons, founder and Executive Director of the Jackson Charter Academy, could barely
contain her excitement as Jeff Riley, Receiver for the Lawrence Public Schools, proposed that
she open a contract school in Lawrence, Massachusetts. A year earlier, Jackson lost its bid to
open a charter school in Lawrence, a city that Parsons and her leadership team had selected due
to its demographic similarity to Chelsea, Massachusetts, where Jackson operated a highly
successful charter school. Had the bid been successful, Jackson Academy would have become
one of a handful of charter schools in the state to become a charter network.
Then in November 2011, the State of Massachusetts took the unprecedented step of placing the
Lawrence School District in receivership and firing its school committee. Not only were
Lawrence Public Schools (LPS) among the worst performing schools in the state, but its history
was checkered with poor leadership and corruption. In one high profile case, former school
superintendent Wilfredo Laboy was convicted of several counts of embezzlement.
One of Riley’s first acts after being appointment Receiver by Governor Deval Patrick was to
reconsider Jackson’s bid to operate a charter school for the district’s high risk students. However,
under the receivership plan, Jackson would need to operate under contract rather than a charter.
This meant that it would be part of the LPS system and its teachers would work under the same
collective bargaining agreement as other teachers in the district, i.e., they would be part of the
Teacher’s Union. Also, unlike a charter school, Jackson would not be free to recruit its own
students, but would be assigned students from various high schools in the district.
Expansion Options
Jackson Academy Springfield
After losing their bid to open a charter school in Lawrence, Massachusetts, Parsons and her team
sought to open a charter school in Springfield. Launching a charter school was a resource
intensive process that began with studies, proposals, and certification. Jackson had to build
critical relationships with local referral organizations, including the school district, the
Department of Children and Families and the Department of Youth Services. If successful in its
bid, Jackson also had to find and secure real estate and hire teaching, support, and administrative
staff.
Lawrence
When Jeff Riley was named Receiver for the Lawrence Public School system, he reached out to
several high performing school operators, including Jackson. He was aware that Jackson had
submitted a proposal for a charter school that had been rejected by the previous administration.
Parsons found Riley to be both passionate and persuasive. He told her of his “vision” of
transforming the worst performing district in the state, a district plagued by incompetence and
corruption, into a portfolio of high performing schools. Riley had already fired a number of
school administrators and teachers and was actively reviewing the performance of other school
personnel. Each dismissal required documented evidence of incompetence in order to justify the
action to the teachers union, which sought to protect its members.
1
In reaching out to Parsons, Riley hoped to address the district’s shortcomings in the fastest way
possible. However, he did not offer to reinstate the charter application that had been rejected
only months earlier. Instead, he offered to grant “charter-like” autonomies through a contract
with the district. This meant that Jackson would come under the supervision of the district and be
bound by the district’s collective bargaining agreement and other policies. For instance, Jackson
would not be free to recruit target students that fit its core requirements, but would be assigned
students from district schools. These were generally drop-outs and students with behavioral
problems. Moreover, Riley wanted the school to be launched in less than five months and serve
up to 250 students.
By the time Riley had contacted Parsons about opening a school in Lawrence, Jackson was well
into the process of submitting an application for a school in Springfield. Jackson spent
considerable time and money examining the needs of the Springfield school district and
preparing its more than 100 page draft proposal.
Parsons recognized that opening two new schools in such a short period of time would place a
strain on personnel and finances, but it would also create opportunities to reach more students
and make Jackson into a model that could replicated across that state and beyond. As a standalone school, the Jackson Charter Academy in Chelsea relied heavily on state government
funding and had limited private fundraising needs. The majority of the funds raised came from
the school’s annual gala. Adding two new schools would require Jackson to triple its annual
fundraising and develop a base of individual and foundation donors.
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Case Study: Jackson Charter
Academy
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