Miami Dade College Egyptian, American and Filipino Culture Paper Please read the instructions below and do this research following all these steps Read ch

Miami Dade College Egyptian, American and Filipino Culture Paper Please read the instructions below and do this research following all these steps

Read chapter 13 and 28 of the class textbook and review the attached PowerPoint presentations. Read chapter 28 in Davis Plus Online Website. Once done, write an essay discussing the health beliefs of both heritages and if there is any similarity in both culture beliefs. Also, discuss how their beliefs influence the delivery of evidence-based healthcare focusing on the nursing care.

A minimum of 700 words, 4 evidence-based references no older than 5 years (excluding the class the class textbook

Style: APA
References: 3
Double space

Please let me know if you have any questions.

Thank you 2780_BC_Ch28_001-022 03/07/12 9:54 AM Page 1
Chapter 28
People of Egyptian Heritage
Afaf Ibrahim Meleis and Mahmoud Hanafi Meleis
Overview, Inhabited Localities,
and Topography
Overview
Egypt, the country of origin of Egyptian Americans,
has a landmass of 386,900 square miles (about one and
a half times the size of Texas) and a population of over
82 million people, giving it a population density of
over 177 per square mile. More than 95 percent of the
land is barren desert, resulting in 90 percent of the
population’s living on 3 percent of the total land area,
in the Nile Valley and Delta (CIA World Factbook,
2011). The Nile has been and still is significant in shaping life and living patterns in Egypt. The average annual
rate of population increase is 1.75 percent, with a birth
rate of 22.94 per 1000 and an infant mortality rate
of 25.2 per 1000 (CIA World Factbook, 2011). The
capital, Cairo, has almost 11 million people, followed
in population by Alexandria with 4.3 million people
(CIA World Factbook, 2011).
Egypt is bordered by Libya on the west, Sudan on
the south, the Mediterranean Sea on the north, and
the Red Sea and Israel on the east. The eastern region, across the Suez Canal, is Sinai. Egypt’s climate
is hot and dry most of the year. The average daily
temperature on the Mediterranean coast is 68°F with
a maximum of 88°F, and in Aswan, average temperatures are 80°F but can reach 120°F with little or no
humidity. The Mediterranean region receives most of
the country’s annual rainfall (7.5 in.). The northern
summers are balmy with moderate temperatures and
80 percent humidity. Between March and April,
khamsi winds blow in from the Western Desert at up
to 93 miles per hour. Except for a few hills outside
Cairo, Egypt has a flat terrain on both sides of the
southern Nile valley and the Sinai Peninsula. The
Nile River, a main artery for Egypt and an orientation point for its terrain, runs through the center of
the country from south to north to the Mediterranean Sea. The Nile—considered to be Egypt’s
lifeline—provides water and supports agriculture.
Egypt is considered by many politicians, historians,
and social scientists to be part of 22 Arabic-speaking
countries in North Africa. Others write about Egypt
as a Middle Eastern country and count its population
as Middle Eastern. A review of scholarly literature
about Egyptian Americans is embedded in writing
that aggregates them with Arab Americans, African
Americans, and Middle Eastern Americans, as well as
separates them out as Egyptian Americans. Scholarly
literature about Egyptians in the United States is
limited; therefore, the reader will find citations that
reflect a broader geographic territory, which in turn
reflects how Egyptians are often connected to or
embedded in many Arab, Middle Eastern, African,
and Muslim cultures.
This chapter is also based on the authors’ own
experiences. Both authors are Egyptian Americans
who came to the United States in the early 1960s and
observed many Egyptian Americans as they defined
themselves within the multiple identities generated by
the different groupings, such as generation and length
of time away from the country of origin. Both authors
have been insiders as well as outsiders to Middle
Eastern communities in the United States and globally. They have participated in different community
celebrations, experienced immigrants’ grief over the
impending or actual death of a family member, provided social and emotional support during times of
crisis, and counseled many immigrants. One of the
authors has been professionally involved with health
care for this population for over 30 years as part of a
project that was designed to provide health-care services to Middle Eastern immigrants in California.
Therefore, data in this chapter are from our lived
experiences in the two worlds Egyptian Americans
claim as their own—Egypt and the United States.
Arab Americans are estimated to number anywhere between 1.5 and 3.5 million (Shah, Ayash,
Pharaon, & Gany, 2007). Over 80 percent of Arabs
living in the United States are citizens (El-Sayed &
Galea, 2009).
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Aggregate Data for Cultural-Specific Groups
Egyptians reside in most states in the United States;
2.3 million of Arab Americans reside in 10 states:
1.2 million live in California, New York, and Michigan
(Arab American Institute, 2011). New York alone has
an estimated number of 405,000 Arab Americans residents (Shah et al., 2007). Michigan has a population
of 490,000 Arab Americans, and California has the
highest number of Arab Americans with a population
of 715,000 (El-Sayed & Galea, 2009). Other heavily
populated states are New Jersey and Illinois.
Approximately 94 percent of Arab Americans live
in major cities, with the top five being Los Angeles,
Detroit, New York, Chicago, and Washington, DC.
Lebanese Americans are the largest group of Arab
Americans living in the United States, comprising
37 percent of the total Arab American population.
Egyptians comprise approximately 12 percent of the
Arab American population (Shah et al., 2007).
However, Egyptian Americans are the largest Arab
American group in the State of New Jersey (Arab
American Institute, 2011).
Egyptian Americans’ religious affiliations resemble
those of others from the rest of the Arab countries.
The majority are Christians, and among the Christians are Orthodox (Greek and Copts), Catholics, and
Protestants. Egyptian American Muslims who are
Sunni are increasing in numbers and represent the
fastest-growing religious group among Egyptian immigrants (Salari, 2002). Ninety percent of Egyptians
are Muslims, and the overwhelming majority of these
are Sunni Muslims.
Egyptian Americans are diverse in other ways. They
come from urban and rural communities, upper and
lower Egypt, and diverse educational backgrounds, and
they possess a wide range of cultural characteristics influenced by colonialization, occupations, and a variety
of immigration experiences that shaped their responses.
However, only the most common patterns of responses
and experiences of Egyptian Americans with regard to
health and illness are presented in this chapter. Diversity among Egyptians is not well depicted, and this description does not represent a universal profile. By
defining the similarities among Egyptian Americans,
we hope to stimulate interest in more systematic scholarship about this unique community and their lifestyles,
health, and health-care practices.
Heritage and Residence
In spite of the many attributions of geographic belonging to Egypt, the Egyptian people have a strong sense
of identity with their country and demonstrate pride
in coming from such an old civilization. Egyptian history is inextricably connected to the Nile River and
dates back to about 4000 B.C., when the kingdoms of
upper and lower Egypt were united by King Menes,
who presented himself as a god. The ancient Egyptians
were the first to believe in life after death, mummify
bodies, and build elaborate tombs to preserve and protect these bodies for the afterlife. Egyptians also developed the plow, a system of writing, and medical skills
such as surgical operations.
The Arab conquest of Egypt around A.D. 641,
which spread the Islamic and Arabic culture among
the Egyptians, has lasted to this day. The minority
(Christian) Copts, who preserved the African-Asiatic
language of ancient Egypt, now use the Arabic language and have been assimilated into the Arabic culture. The Ottoman Turks invaded Egypt in 1517,
adding it to their vast empire. While living under
Turkish rule, Egypt enjoyed religious and cultural stability because the Turks shared the Islamic and Arabic
cultures. In the last two centuries, Egypt experienced
invasions by the French, followed by the British in
1882, who remained in the country until 1954. In
1952, an Egyptian army group led by Lieutenant
Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser took control of the government and removed King Farouk from power. Since
then, Egypt has been an independent state called the
Arab Republic of Egypt (CIA World Factbook, 2011).
An influential part of modern Egyptian history is the
Arab–Israeli conflict. The conflict between Egypt, as
part of the Arab League, and Israel ended in 1979 when
the two countries signed the Camp David Accords.
Anwar Sadat was the president of Egypt at the time.
Egypt continues to be involved in diplomatic efforts to
arrive at peace between Israel and its neighboring Arab
countries. This long history and the diversity of populations have influenced the value systems, beliefs, and
explanatory frameworks Egyptians use in their daily
lives and have contributed to the diverse thinking
processes they use to resolve issues and conflict. Another
important turning point for Egyptians, as well as
Egyptian Americans, in their identity and connection to
their cultural heritage is the February 2011 revolution
that ousted President Hosni Mubarak.
Reasons for Migration and Associated
Economic Factors
Many Egyptians immigrated to the United States in
an attempt to escape economic stagnation during
President Nasser’s regime and his failed economic
policies that nationalized all privately owned companies and enterprises. The United States offered educational opportunities, career options, and economic
incentives that rewarded hard-working individuals.
After the 1952 military revolution, Egyptians immigrated in three main waves. The first wave, in the
1950s, consisted of graduate students who came to the
United States to obtain advanced degrees. This was
followed by Egyptians who escaped Gamal Abdel
Nasser’s regime (Amer & Hovey, 2007). After the defeat of the Egyptian army by the Israelis in 1967,
many of these students, believing the totalitarian
military regime of Egypt did not offer hope for
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People of Egyptian Heritage
economic recovery, changed their status to immigrant.
For most, this ensured a promising future for their
children, even though they would have been assured
decent positions in Egypt because of their American
education.
The second wave of immigration resulted from the
heightened mass dissatisfaction, hopelessness, and
anger toward the government of the educated and
professional community after the 1967 war. A lenient
government policy made it easy and safe for anyone
who wanted to leave the country, resulting in the
largest exodus from Egypt in modern history. Included in this wave were many Coptic and other
Egyptian Christians (Shaw, 2000).
The third wave, in the 1980s and beyond, had many
more risk takers. They came to seek better lives and
forsake the security of government jobs for unknown
adventures. They sought new opportunities such as
cab driving and working at food outlets in large cities
(Meleis, 2002). Some of these immigrants are temporary, others are permanent, and still others are in
circular migration (Nassar, 2008). It is important
to note here that the terrorist attacks in New York,
Pennsylvania, and Washington, DC, and the tragic
consequences of September 11, 2001, have rendered
many newly immigrated Egyptian Americans vulnerable to profiling and stereotyping in their newly
adopted country, the United States. Therefore, a newly
acquired sense of stigma tends to influence their patterns of responses in ways that were not manifested
previously. Long-term effects of this situation on their
patterns of behaviors have yet to be studied and understood. It remains to be seen whether the youth
Tahrir Square Revolution of 2011 and the referendum
in the constitution will instigate circular migration
(Medina, 2011).
Educational Status and Occupations
Most of the first-wave Egyptian immigrants were
highly educated individuals with graduate and postgraduate degrees earned in the United States. Members of this group were able to obtain teaching and
research positions in universities or work in industries.
Some joined companies or started their own businesses in the high-technology industries.
Egyptians in the second and third waves were more
diverse in their educational backgrounds, although
most of them were college graduates. Second-wave immigrants worked as engineers, physicians, dentists, accountants, and technicians; however, some with
college degrees initially accepted employment as gas
station attendants, cab drivers, security guards, and
other blue-collar positions to ensure employment.
After improving their language skills and obtaining
degrees from American universities, many obtained
professional positions. A small minority never
achieved an occupational status equivalent to their
3
original training. Many from this group returned to
their home country or plan for such a return.
Communication
Dominant Languages and Dialects
The dominant language of Egyptians is Arabic, a
Semitic language understood by all Arab nationals,
who hear it in popular Egyptian movies, songs, and
television programs. The written Arabic language is
the same in all Arab countries, but spoken Arabic is
dialectal and does not necessarily follow proper Arabic grammar. A number of Arabic dialects are spoken
in Egypt. The Saiidis (Egyptians south of Cairo) have
a different dialect from the northerners. The Nubians
(who live around and south of Aswan) have another
unique dialect, as do the Bedouins, who live in the
desert. Despite these different dialects and their distinct vocabularies, neither Egyptians nor Egyptian
Americans have any noticeable communication barriers
among themselves.
For Egyptian immigrants in the United States, English
is the language of communication in business and
contact with American society. Within their own gatherings, they speak a mixture of Arabic and English,
switch with great ease from one language to another,
and sometimes speak a mixture of Arabic, English,
and French. Egyptian social gatherings usually involve
large numbers of people, with multiple conversations
occurring simultaneously. When they are discussing
subjects such as politics or religious issues, the level of
excitement heightens and the tone of the speech is
sharpened, so an outside observer may mistakenly
characterize the exchanges as chaotic or angry.
Cultural Communication Patterns
Several values govern interaction patterns among
Egyptians. The first is respect (ihteram), which is expected when speaking with those who are older and
those in higher social positions. Respect is demonstrated in the Arabic language by differentiation in
the words used to address those who are equal in age
or position and those who are older in age or higher
in position (see Format for Names). A second important value, politeness (adab) is related to what is appropriate, expected, and socially sanctioned. Truth
and reality may be sacrificed for what is appropriate
and polite. Politeness results in a preference for more
indirect modes of communication. Sharing negative
news directly or asking for things directly is not
polite. Therefore, a poor prognosis of an illness is not
immediately shared; calamities should be slowly and
deliberately introduced and shared in stages. It is
more appropriate and expected that such news will
be shared first with other family members who will
provide a buffer that helps those coping with and
responding to such news.
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Aggregate Data for Cultural-Specific Groups
Significant value is related to the status of insiders
and outsiders, the private and public spheres. Private
spheres are reserved for immediate family, some members of the extended family, and friends who are elevated to the status of family. The public sphere
includes acquaintances, public officials, and the rest
of the world. Those who occupy a public sphere may
get completely different communications and versions
of the same events or incidents.
Because Egyptian Americans tend to be externally
driven, they are concerned about what others think of
their behaviors, which are considered a direct reflection on their entire family. Therefore, parents tend to
be overzealous and anxious about the good or bad behaviors of children and adult sons and daughters.
These behaviors reflect a measure of how well or how
badly parents have raised their children.
Egyptian Americans tend to be in touch with their
inner feelings and are highly expressive of them; however, this expression is governed by external orientation, spontaneity, and the differences between private
and public spheres. Egyptians in America tend to
share problems and the minutest details about their
lives with their trusted circle of insiders. However, because they are externally oriented, they tend to look
outside for explanations of their feelings, rather than
to focus on their own actions. Egyptians tend to be
comfortable and generous in sharing ideas and giving
advice to others who might be family members or
friends. This behavior stems from close family ties and
trust that ensures the family will always be there to
provide help. Advice is offered (even when not requested) out of love, care, and a sense of loyalty to
friends or relatives. They do not shy away from becoming involved in the problems, trials, and tribulations of
those in their private sphere. The extent and depth of
involvement is less for those in the public sphere. Although these behavior patterns are a part of the lifestyle
of first-generation immigrants, second-generation immigrants may not necessarily maintain them.
Egyptian Americans’ nonverbal communication
patterns are expressive. Because their personal space
boundaries tend to be small, they stand and sit very
close to each other. In spite of their preference for
closeness, women and men use personal space boundaries differently during interactions. Women tend to
keep male friends as far away as male strangers.
Egyptian Americans speak with expressive words and
facial expressions, gesticulating with hands and using
body movements. They communicate with their entire
body as much as with verbal language. Their facial expressions are mirrors of their internal processes and
reflections of their inner evaluations of their situations. They tend to touch each other frequently and
easily, and touch is both reflexive and deliberative. For
example, they tend to touch others while speaking to
solicit attention, concentration, and emphasis.
REFLECTIVE EXERCISE 28.1
Eshe Halabi, age 74 years, lives near Cairo, Egypt. She speaks
an Arabic dialect, Saiidis, some French, and a little English.
While visiting her son and daughter-in-law in the United
States, she suffered a bowel obstruction and underwent
surgery. She is now 2 days postoperatively and has been progressing without complications. Her son and daughter-in-law
have graduate degrees from the United States and speak
English well. When her son visits, she complains of fire-like pain
in her abdomen. Her son immediately contacted the nurse demanding pain medicine for his mother. The nurse explained
that Mrs. Halabi had received an injection for pain control
about 20 minutes previously and that she should give the medicine time to work. He said this was unsatisfactory and that she
should have the pain medicine intravenously right now.
1. Is the description of fire-like pain common among
Egyptians?
2. What other descriptions for pain are used by Egyptians?
3. What response should the nurse give when Mrs. Halabi’s
son demands intravenous pain medicine?
4. What else might the nurse do to assist with pain control?
5. Do you think the son is an adequate interpreter for his
mother in this scenario?
To demonstrate trust, increase trust, or emphasize a
point, they tend to touch each other on the hands, arms,
legs, and shoulders. Men, whether strangers or acquaintances, touch each other. Similarly, it is acceptable for
women to touch. Family members and friends of the
same gender always hug and kiss on both cheeks.
Friends of different sexes normal…
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