GCU History The Early 1960s and Civil Rights Worksheet This is a history worksheet consisting of 5 questions and references, it has a scoring guide that wi

GCU History The Early 1960s and Civil Rights Worksheet This is a history worksheet consisting of 5 questions and references, it has a scoring guide that will give you details on how the instructor grades the assignment, please use the guide. Please let me know if you have any questions. Thank you for your help! 7/13/2020
President Kennedy’s Address to the People of Berlin (June 28, 1963)
President Kennedy’s Address to the People of Berlin (June 28, 1963)
When the news of the construction of the Berlin Wall in 1961 reached the United States, no contingency plan had been
developed for such an undertaking. President Kennedy immediately sent Vice President Johnson to Berlin. The
president himself later visited the city in June 1963, only a few months before he was assassinated. When planning
this speech, President Kennedy’s advisors had asked him to tone down the Cold War rhetoric. At the last moment,
however, Kennedy asked his translator in Berlin how to say, “I am a Berliner” in German. The result was one of the
finest speeches Kennedy ever gave: It won him and the United States the hearts of a new generation of Europeans.
I am proud to come to this city as the guest of your distinguished Mayor, who has symbolized throughout the world the
fighting spirit of West Berlin. And I am proud to visit the Federal Republic with your distinguished Chancellor who for so
many years has committed Germany to democracy and freedom and progress, and to come here in the company of my
fellow American, General Clay, who has been in this city during its great moments of crisis and will come again if ever
needed.
Two thousand years ago the proudest boast was “civus Romanus sum.” [I am a Roman citizen]. Today, in the world of
freedom, the proudest boast is “Ich bin ein Berliner.”
I appreciate my interpreter translating my German!
There are many people in the world who really don’t understand, or say they don’t, what is the great issue between
the free world and the Communist world. Let them come to Berlin. There are some who say that communism is the
wave of the future. Let them come to Berlin. And there are some who say in Europe and elsewhere we can work with
the Communists. Let them come to Berlin. And there are even a few who say that it is true that communism is an evil
system, but it permits us to make economic progress. Lass’ sie nach Berlin kommen. Let them come to Berlin.
Freedom has many difficulties and democracy is not perfect, but we have never had to put a wall up to keep our
people in, to prevent them from leaving us. I want to say, on behalf of my countrymen, who live many miles away on
the other side of the Atlantic, who are far distant from you, that they take the greatest pride that they have been able
to share with you, even from a distance, the story of the last 18 years. I know of no town, no city, that has been
besieged for 18 years that still lives with the vitality and the force, and the hope and the determination of the city of
West Berlin. While the wall is the most obvious and vivid demonstration of the failures of the Communist system, for
all the world to see, we take no satisfaction in it, for it is, as your Mayor has said, an offense not only against history
but an offense against humanity, separating families, dividing husbands and wives and brothers and sisters, and
dividing a people who wish to be joined together.
What is true of this city is true of Germany—real, lasting peace in Europe can never be assured as long as one German
out of four is denied the elementary right of free men, and that is to make a free choice. In 18 years of peace and
good faith, this generation of Germans has earned the right to be free, including the right to unite their families and
their nation in lasting peace, with good will to all people. You live in a defended island of freedom, but your life is part
of the main. So let me ask you as I close, to lift your eyes beyond the dangers of today, to the hopes of tomorrow,
beyond the freedom merely of this city of Berlin, or your country of Germany, to the advance of freedom everywhere,
beyond the wall to the day of peace with justice, beyond yourselves and ourselves to all mankind.
Freedom is indivisible, and when one man is enslaved, all are not free. When all are free, then we can look forward to
that day when this city will be joined as one and this country and this great Continent of Europe in a peaceful and
hopeful globe. When that day finally comes, as it will, the people of West Berlin can take sober satisfaction in the fact
that they were in the front lines for almost two decades.
All free men, wherever they may live, are citizens of Berlin, and, therefore, as a free man, I take pride in the words
“Ich bin ein Berliner.”
Copyright © 2009 Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved.
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Executive Discussions on the Cuban Missile Crisis (1962)
Executive Discussions on the Cuban Missile Crisis (1962)
In 1959, Fidel Castro seized power in Cuba and eventually sought close ties with the USSR. For the Soviet
government, having an ally 90 miles off the coast of the Union States and in a position to influence the western
Caribbean was a great advantage. In 1962, the Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev and Castro negotiated the placement
of Soviet nuclear missiles that could reach targets in the United States almost as soon as their launch could be
detected. These missiles not only could have altered the Cold War balance of power, but they also could have become
a great propaganda coup. Historians still debate the exact motives for stationing the missiles on Cuba.
What sort of U.S. reaction the Soviet government expected is unclear, although Khrushchev had not been impressed
with Kennedy’s statesmanship at their meeting in Vienna the previous year. When the U.S. government discovered the
missiles, the events of October 1962 brought the world as close to the brink of nuclear war as it has ever been. As
these documents show, it was difficult for the Kennedy administration to determine a course of action that would
neither show weakness nor lead to war. First, the government had to assess the threat, and then the President had to
inform the American people of that threat and of the U.S. government’s response.
The first document is a transcript of what was said at a meeting of the Executive Committee of the National Security
Council (Excomm), a group of the president’s closest advisors, held in the early stages of the conflict. The second is
President Kennedy’s address to the American people, broadcast live on television on October 22, 1962.
BUNDY: But, the, uh, question I would like to ask is, quite aside from what we’ve said-and we’re very hard-locked into
it, I know-What is the strategic impact on the position of the United States of MRBMs [medium-range ballistic missiles]
in Cuba? How gravely does it change the strategic balance?
MCNAMARA: Mac, I asked the Chiefs that this afternoon, in effect. And they said, substantially. My own personal view
is not at all.
BUNDY: Not so much.
MCNAMARA: And, I think this is an important element here. . . .
[discussion of the psychological impact of Soviet weapons in Cuba]
DOUGLAS DILLON: Yeah. That is the point.
EDWIN M. MARTIN: Yeah. The psychological factor of our having taken it.
DILLON: Taken it, that’s the best.
RFK: Well, and the fact that if you go there, we’re gonna fire it.
JFK: What’s that again, Ed? What are you saying?
MARTIN: Well, it’s a psychological factor that we have sat back and let ’em do it to us, that is more important than the
direct threat . . .
JFK: [unintelligible] I said we weren’t going to.
MARTIN: [unintelligible]
BUNDY(?): That’s something we could manage.
JFK: Last month I said we weren’t going to.
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Executive Discussions on the Cuban Missile Crisis (1962)
[laughter]
JFK: Last month I should have said . . .
[UNIDENTIFIED]: Well . . .
JFK: . . . that we don’t care. But when we said we were not going to and they go ahead and do it, and then we do
nothing, then . . .
[UNIDENTIFIED]: That’s right.
JFK: . . . I would think that our risks increase. Oh, I agree. What difference does it make? They’ve got enough to blow
us up now anyway. I think it’s just a question of . . . After all this is a political struggle as much as military. . . .
[McNamara advocates examining political response-“We haven’t discussed it fully today.”]
MCNAMARA: I, I, I’ll be quite frank. I don’t think there is a military problem here. This is my answer to Mac’s question.
…
BUNDY: That’s my honest [judgment(?)].
MCNAMARA: . . . and therefore, and I’ve gone through this today, and I asked myself, Well what is it then if it isn’t a
military problem? Well, it’s just exactly this problem, that, that, uh, if Cuba should possess a capacity to carry out
offensive actions against the U.S., the U.S. would act.
[UNIDENTIFIED]: That’s right.
[UNIDENTIFIED]: That’s right.
MCNAMARA: Now, it’s that problem, this . . .
[UNIDENTIFIED]: You can’t get around that one.
MCNAMARA: . . . this is a domestic political problem. . . .
[McNamara suggested blockade and 24-hour surveillance. George Ball pointed out that 24-hour surveillance has holescan’t monitor during darkness.]
MCNAMARA: Oh, well, it’s really the, yes, it isn’t the surveillance, it’s the ultimatum that is . . .
BALL (?): Yeah.
MCNAMARA: . . . the key part of this.
BALL (?): Yeah.
MCNAMARA: And what I tried to do was develop a little package that meets the action requirement of the paragraph I
read.
[UNIDENTIFIED]: Yeah.
MCNAMARA: Because, as I suggested, I don’t believe it’s primarily a military problem. It’s primarily a, a domestic,
political problem.
President Kennedy’s Address to the American people, October 22, 1962
Good evening, my fellow citizens. This Government, as promised, has maintained the closest surveillance of the Soviet
military build-up on the island of Cuba. Within the past week unmistakable evidence has established the fact that a
series of offensive missile sites is now in preparation on that imprisoned island. The purposes of these bases can be
none other than to provide a nuclear strike capability against the Western Hemisphere.
Upon receiving the first preliminary hard information of this nature last Tuesday morning [October 16] at 9:00 A.M., I
directed that our surveillance be stepped up. And now having confirmed and completed our evaluation of the evidence
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and our decision on a course of action, this Government feels obliged to report this new crisis to you in fullest detail.
The characteristics of these new missile sites indicate two distinct types of installations. Several of them include
medium-range ballistic missiles capable of carrying a nuclear warhead for a distance of more than 1,000 nautical
miles. Each of these missiles, in short, is capable of striking Washington, D.C., the Panama Canal, Cape Canaveral,
Mexico City, or any other city in the southeastern part of the United States, in Central America, or in the Caribbean
area.
Additional sites not yet completed appear to be designed for intermediate-range ballistic missiles capable of traveling
more than twice as far-and thus capable of striking most of the major cities in the Western Hemisphere, ranging as far
north as Hudson Bay, Canada, and as far south as Lima, Peru. In addition, jet bombers, capable of carrying nuclear
weapons, are now being uncrated and assembled in Cuba, while the necessary air bases are being prepared.
This urgent transformation of Cuba into an important strategic base-by the presence of these large, long-range, and
clearly offensive weapons of sudden mass destruction-constitutes an explicit threat to the peace and security of all the
Americas, in flagrant and deliberate defiance of the Rio Pact of 1947, the traditions of this nation and Hemisphere, the
Joint Resolution of the Eighty-seventh Congress, the Charter of the United Nations, and my own public warnings to the
Soviets on September 4 and 13.
This action also contradicts the repeated assurances of Soviet spokesmen, both publicly and privately delivered, that
the arms build-up in Cuba would retain its original defensive character and that the Soviet Union had no need or desire
to station strategic missiles on the territory of any other nation. . . .
In that sense missiles in Cuba add to an already clear and present danger-although it should be noted the nations of
Latin America have never previously been subjected to a potential nuclear threat.
But this secret, swift, and extraordinary build-up of Communist missiles-in an area well known to have a special and
historical relationship to the United States and the nations of the Western Hemisphere, in violation of Soviet
assurances, and in defiance of American and hemispheric policy-this sudden, clandestine decision to station strategic
weapons for the first time outside of Soviet soil-is a deliberately provocative and unjustifiable change in the status quo
which cannot be accepted by this country if our courage and our commitments are ever to be trusted again by either
friend or foe.
Copyright © 2009 Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved.
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John F. Kennedy, Inaugural Address (1961)
John F. Kennedy, Inaugural Address (1961)
John F. Kennedy won the presidency by a tiny margin in 1960. He had promised “to get the country moving
again” during his campaign, telling the nation that “We stand on the edge of a New Frontier.” He cultivated an
image of youthful vitality, designed to distinguish him from the Eisenhower-Nixon administration. His
inaugural address, written by aide Theodore C. Sorensen, captured the themes and goals of his campaign and
presidency.SOURCE: Public Papers of the Presidents: John F. Kennedy (1961).
We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom – symbolizing an end as well as a
beginning – signifying renewal as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same
solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human
poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are
still at issue around the globe – the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but
from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and
place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans – born in this
century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage – and unwilling
to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed,
and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any
hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
This much we pledge – and more.
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.
United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do – for we
dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.
To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial
control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect
to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom
– and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up
inside.
To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we
pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required – not because the
Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot
help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics south of the border, we offer a special pledge – to convert our good words into good
deeds – in a new alliance for progress – to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of
poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors
know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every
other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.
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John F. Kennedy, Inaugural Address (1961)
To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the
instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support – to prevent it
from becoming merely a forum for invective – to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak – and to enlarge
the area in which its writ may run.
Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that
both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all
humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.
We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain
beyond doubt that they will never be employed.
But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course – both sides
overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet
both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind’s final war.
So let us begin anew – remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always
subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.
Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.
Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars,
conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.
Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah – to “undo the heavy burdens…
[and] let the oppressed go free.”
And if a beachhead of co-operation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new
endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure
and the peace preserved.
All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days,
nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this
country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national
loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.
Now the trumpet summons us agai…
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