Comparison Of Discrimination Of Irish Immigrants In19th & 20th Century Attached I have fully posted instructions along with a few videos and articles that

Comparison Of Discrimination Of Irish Immigrants In19th & 20th Century Attached I have fully posted instructions along with a few videos and articles that will help make more sense of the prompt question found on the instruction page. https://tcu.kanopy.com/video/revolution-different-…https://tcu.kanopy.com/video/age-cityhttp://www.loc.gov/teachers/classroommaterials/pre… Copyright © 1997. Catholic University of America Press. All
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Page 63

Emigrants and Immigrants
Refugees from Disaster, 1822–1870
In 1790 there were about forty­four thousand people born in Ireland living in the United States? few were Catholic and most of the Protestants were Ulster
Presbyterians. During the eighteenth century many American and Canadian ships that delivered flax seed and lumber to Britain and Ireland carried emigrants as ballast
on return voyages. An average ten­guinea transatlantic fare guaranteed that most of the Irish entering America were of at least moderate means. Most Presbyterians
were artisans or tenant farmers, many of the latter doubling as handloom weavers. They came to America to escape religious discrimination and to seek economic
opportunities.
Ulster Calvinists contributed energy along with economic and intellectual skills and democratic commitments to the development of a new nation. Some of the
Catholics who had sufficient funds and courage to journey to America also were farmers and artisans with abilities to succeed in a dynamic new environment. But there
were Catholics so poor that they could
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only reach America by becoming indentured servants for seven or fourteen years. And the majority of transported Irish convicts were also Catholics. After serving
time in the plantation economy of the South, convicts and indentured servants tended to migrate to the Appalachian frontier. Because they did not leave Ireland as
devout or informed Catholics, and the American Church lacked the manpower and resources to minister to those on the geographic or social fringes, ex­convicts and
former indentured servants usually abandoned Catholicism and melded into Protestant evangelical or Ulster Presbyterian communities.
Impoverished and not particularly adventurous, most pre­1820s Catholics who left Ireland went to Britain. Some were harvest workers, others supplied unskilled
labor to the industrial and transportation revolutions as canal diggers (navvies), track layers (gandy dancers), horse cart drivers (teamsters), and cargo handlers
(stevedores). Men and women also worked in factories, and the latter found additional employment as domestic servants. When they earned enough to pay rents to
landlords, harvest workers returned to Ireland? those involved with the industrial and transportation economies and domestics tended to remain in Britain. Even before
the Great Famine, there were significant Irish Catholic populations in Liverpool, Manchester, Birmingham, Glasgow, London, Cardiff, and other British urban centers.
During the 1820s, several factors speeded the pace of Irish Catholic emigration to the United States. Famines? an economic recession in the United Kingdom following
the Napoleonic Wars that promoted a shift in agriculture from tillage to grazing, and the consolidation of estates and the eviction of many tenant farmers? agrarian
secret society violence? and the turbulence of Catholic Emancipation and anti­tithe agitations persuaded a number of Catholics that it was time to leave Ireland for a
more emotionally and financially secure America.
From 1815 to 1845, more than a million Irish immigrants
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Page 65
entered the United States. Until the 1820s, most newcomers remained Protestant, but then the reasons mentioned above and increasingly lower ship fares converted
Irish emigration to a mainly Catholic adventure. Many who abandoned Ireland first sailed to Canada, finally finding refuge in the United States by walking south across
the border. Two—boaters started in the Newfoundland fishing industry before earning passages to Boston.
The Famine had a significant influence on the Irish Catholic exodus. From 1845 to the close of 1854, nearly a million and a half Irish sought shelter in the United
States, the vast majority Catholic. The Great Hunger not only speeded the pace of Irish Catholic emigration, it institutionalized it as a safety valve to relieve pressure on
a static agrarian economy with few industrial employment opportunities.
Famine experiences and memories persuaded the Irish to marry late, reduce the birth rate, and to cease dividing already small farms. Catholicism’s rigid sexual morality
reinforced economic necessity, helping to emotionally and spiritually sustain people through years of, sometimes permanent, celibacy. But in spite of later marriages
and a significant population decline, Ireland’s meager resources remained inadequate to care for all of its inhabitants. Only one son could inherit the farm, and few
daughters, even with beauty enhanced by dowries, could find men in a financial position to marry. For landless men there were few prospects of employment in cities
or towns or in the Royal Irish Constabulary. Outside of servant work in Big Houses or as waitresses in eating establishments, there were even fewer opportunities for
young women. Without a farm, a decent job, or a husband, the youth of Ireland followed the emigration trail to the urban centers of Britain and the United States.
Some young men and women entered seminaries and convents, but a good portion of nuns, brothers, and priests also left Ireland to serve the spiritual needs of the
Diaspora.
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Throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Irish emigration to Britain remained steady. Fares for the short passages to Liverpool, Glasgow, and Cardiff
were within the means of even the poorest tenant farmers and agricultural laborers. And going to Britain seemed a less permanent and traumatic change than did long,
uncomfortable, transatlantic voyages to Quebec, Montreal, Boston, New York, and New Orleans. Many of the Irish in Britain were comforted by the knowledge that
home was within reach, just across the Irish Sea. Still, America represented extensive opportunities and a clear break with a grim past. To calm parental anxieties and
to present an image of success, many of the Irish in the United States wrote letters home exaggerating their good fortune. These messages, in addition to enclosed
money or ship tickets for siblings, stimulated emigration. In post­Famine years, Irish parents raised most of their children for export.
Although emigration slowed after the Famine, from 1855 through 1870 more than a million Irish, usually single men and women between the ages of fifteen and thirty­
five, left for America. Since they constituted the first large group of Whites who were not Anglo or Irish Protestants to arrive in the United States, Irish Catholics had
the painful and dubious distinction of pioneering America’s urban ghettos, previewing experiences that Jews, Italians, Poles and other eastern Europeans, Serbs and
Croats, Greeks, Blacks migrating from the rural South, Asians, Chicanos, Haitians, Puerto Ricans and other Latinos would later share.
Although physically absent from their parishes and townlands, emigrants influenced events in Ireland. They, particularly women, generously sent hard­earned dollars to
the folks back home. In the thirteen­year period, 1848–1861, although the Irish were on the bottom rung of the American socio­economic ladder, they managed to
send almost sixty million dollars to Ireland in bank drafts and money orders. Of course letters contained many more unrecorded dollars. At least a quarter
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Page 67
of the money that servant girls and manual laborers sent home financed the emigration of brothers and sisters, but most went to improve the standard of living for
relatives left behind. And much American currency financed constitutional and physicalforce nationalism. Thus, letters from America containing news of loved ones,
dollar gifts, and perhaps ship tickets or passage money were most welcome in rural cottages. And leaders of various nationalist movements traveled through urban
America collecting funds for their causes.
Portions of the Irish Catholic Diaspora came from cities and towns, but for the most part it was composed of country people. A large number of Irish Catholic
emigrants who went to Canada and later Australia and New Zealand did settle in rural areas, but in the United States they collected in cities, scorning the vast,
inexpensive, fertile acres of the Midwest. In 1870, 72 percent of the American Irish were concentrated in seven urban, industrial states—Massachusetts, Connecticut,
New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Illinois—usually residing in communities exceeding 2,500. About 85 percent of Irish­American Catholics were
engaged in the industrial or transportation sections of the American economy, only 15 percent were involved with farming.
According to the distinguished anthropogeographer, E. Estyn Evans, “The whole nature of Gaelic society was opposed to urban living”? cities were associated with
foreign invaders and alien cultures. 1 Considering this distrust of cities and towns, and their largely agrarian roots, why did Irish immigrants decide on urban rather than
rural America? In Boston’s Immigrants (1941), Oscar Handlin argued that Irish Famine refugees really had no choice but to settle in eastern seaboard cities because
they lacked funds to move inland. This explanation applied to some but not to all. Relatively affluent pre­Famine immigrants also preferred cities, and when the Irish
did begin to trek west, more decided to live in Buffalo, Cleveland, Pittsburgh, Detroit, Chicago, St. Louis, Milwaukee, St. Paul, and
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San Francisco than in rural communities. Irish Catholics in Canada did not have as many urban employment prospects.
A scarcity of talents more than of money determined Irish Catholic occupational and residential choices. Irish landlordism did not inculcate agrarian skills or encourage
farming initiatives. Irish Catholic peasants were among the most inefficient farmers in Europe and, unlike Scandinavians and Germans of their class, unequipped for
rural America. In Ireland, agriculture was more a life style than an economy, and most tenant farmers, working small bits of land, used only simple tools—spades,
scythes, and hoes. Cultivating, fertilizing, and harvesting eighty acres of wheat or corn in America was far more difficult than ranching sheep in Australia or New
Zealand. 2 And Irish Catholic refugees fleeing from hunger and poverty who scurried to the United States were probably less competent farmers than those who
participated in planned emigration projects to Canada and Australia.
Adding to skill shortages, Irish Catholics were psychologically unsuited for rural America. Like other members of their faith, they were communal, gregarious by
nature, and fond of visiting and talking. In Ireland small farms were so close together that parishes and townlands functioned as peasant villages. During the day there
was considerable conversation across hedges and stone walls. In the evenings neighbors visited, talked, sang, and danced in each others’ cottages. In rural America,
on the other hand, farms were far apart and towns were distant, forcing families to be self­sufficient, seeing neighbors only on Saturday shopping expeditions, Sunday
church services, or harvest cooperative endeavors. Cold and snowy winters added to a sense of isolation. Some Irish Catholics who chose to farm in America sent
letters home commenting on the depth of their loneliness. American cities were rough, tough, corrupt, dirty, violent, and unhealthy, but extroverted Irish Catholics
found them congenial because they were close to relatives and friends.
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John Francis Maguire of the Cork Examiner and other Irish journalists who visited the United States were appalled by the crime, disease, and social disorder that
afflicted the urban Irish. Catholic bishops in Ireland feared urban America endangered emigrant faith and morals. They and journalists encouraged young people
crossing the Atlantic to settle in rural areas compatible with their agrarian and Catholic backgrounds.
In the 1850s, Buffalo’s bishop, John Timon, and other Catholic leaders made strenuous efforts to preserve the faith of immigrants and improve their conduct by
encouraging them to resettle in rural areas or small towns. New York’s archbishop, John Hughes, and other eastern prelates disagreed with Timon. They argued that
the urban concentration of the Irish permitted the church, with limited financial and human resources, to best minister to their spiritual needs, and to protect them from
American secularism and Protestant proselytism. In the 1890s, John Ireland, archbishop of St. Paul, purchased a large tract of fertile Minnesota land and brought over
Belgian and Connacht Irish peasants to farm it. Belgians prospered? the Irish quickly abandoned fields to work on the railroad in St. Paul. The archbishop’s failed
experiment to save the Irish from American urban vice and brutality revealed the shortage of agricultural proficiencies among those he selected and their preference for
community living in the city among their own kind. 3
Unable to cope with large­scale farming and its loneliness, most Irish Catholics in urban America, like those in Britain, started at the bottom of the unskilled labor
force. Women took jobs in textile industry sweatshops and shoe factories. Because Anglo Americans looked down on domestic service as degrading, and other
Europeans, with the exception of Swedes, would not let daughters work in the homes of strangers, Irish women became servants in upper­and middle­class houses.
Considering that it provided room and board, a healthier environment, and exposure to some of the nicer things in life, domestic
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service was more pleasant and profitable than factory employment.
Irish men labored as stable boys? teamsters? bartenders, bouncers, and pot boys in saloons? street sweepers? stevedores? and gold, silver, copper, and coal miners.
Irish Catholics provided most of the muscle that carved out the American canal system. In 1818, three thousand of them were digging the Erie Canal? eight years later
there were five thousand Irish navvies working four major canal projects. Following the Civil War, Irish Catholic laborers built railroads east of the Rockies. Canal and
railroad work was dangerous, difficult, and unhealthy, tempting tired and demoralized men to drink troubles and salaries away.
Canals and railroads brought the Irish west? military enlistments also scattered them around the country. Joining the British army and navy was an Irish male escape
route, substituting travel and adventure, with a steady if small income, for poverty and boredom. In America, military service had the same kind of appeal. During the
Mexican and Civil Wars, and later on the western frontier, many Irish Catholics risked life and limb and fought well for their adopted country. Now they had a motive
for fighting that was missing back home. They served Britain as mercenaries, they defended America as patriots.
Unskilled Irish labor significantly contributed to American industrialism. But since women found it easier to find employment than men, and so many of the latter’s jobs
were seasonal or involved traveling on canal or railroad projects, Irish Catholic families often were unstable and dysfunctional. Early and mid­nineteenth­century Irish
Catholic social problems resembled those existing in contemporary, minority group, urban neighborhoods. Although some comparisons between early Irish and
present day Black ghettoes are valid, in pre­technocratic and automated industrial and transportation economies the Irish did have more employment opportunities
than today’s African Americans.
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To many Americans ”ghetto” has unpleasant connotations. They believe that ethnic and racial enclaves frustrate assimilation and social mobility by preserving violent
poverty cultures. No doubt exclusive neighborhoods exaggerate and perpetuate ethnic and racial vices and stereotypes. In the case of Irish Catholics, they tended to
nurture failure more than success by fertilizing the paranoia, defeatism, and feelings of inferiority planted in their historical experience. But the negative aspects of the
physical ghetto were partially balanced by the emotional security they provided. Life in American cities was cold, competitive, and hostile. Anglo Protestants
controlling business, commerce, and industry despised Irish Catholics as barbarian interlopers? members of the Anglo Protestant working class hated and feared them
as employment competitors. In suc…
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