University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign Jennifer Lopez On The Floor Song Essay 1)What do you think RedOne means when he refers to Jennifer Lopez as a “g

University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign Jennifer Lopez On The Floor Song Essay 1)What do you think RedOne means when he refers to Jennifer Lopez as a “global artist?” Is any person, or any kind of music, ever global? What about her Puerto Rican heritage? What about the story that links the melody to several places: France, Brazil, and Bolivia, among others? How can something be both “from somewhere” and “global” at the same time? 50-100 words

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2)What role did musicians David Byrne, Sting, and Paul Simon play in the popularization of so-called “world music?” 50-100

3)What is the cultural and historical significance of the accordion sample in “On The Floor?” Please give a 50-100-word response based on your reading and listening. 50-100 words Brazilian Music as World Music in the Late 1980s
Bossa Mundo: Brazilian Music in Transnational
Media Industries
K.E. Goldschmitt
Print publication date: 2019
Print ISBN-13: 9780190923525
Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: October 2019
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190923525.001.0001
Brazilian Music as World Music in the Late
1980s
K. E. Goldschmitt
DOI:10.1093/oso/9780190923525.003.0005
Abstract and Keywords
This chapter traces the development of Brazilian music within a “world music”
framework, through the influence of music compilations in contrast with
attempts to market a short-lived world dance craze (lambada), and through the
participation of Margareth Menezes in a high-profile international tour. These
musical phenomena owed their heightened prominence to contact between
Brazilians and enterprising outsiders in Brazil, especially in the state of Bahia.
Brazil’s international musical brand would be linked either to the kinds of music
that US-based rock and pop musicians tapped in their effort to revitalize their
sound, or to specialist record labels compiled to meet the rising demands of the
market. Through these contrasting examples, the chapter historicizes the
emergence of “world music” as a marketing genre and subject of scholarly
inquiry.
Keywords: David Byrne, Margareth Menezes, compilation albums, world music, lambada, dance fads
In 1989, major developments for Brazilian music in English-speaking markets
coincided in an artistic and social watershed. David Byrne’s new world music
record label Luaka Bop, then a subsidiary for Sire Records (owned by Warner
Bros.), released Beleza Tropical: Brazil Classics 1, a compilation that would
shape the Anglophone reception of Brazilian popular music for a new
generation. The period also saw the rapid rise and fall of a Brazilian dance-floor
fad (the lambada) and the celebration of MPB artists as viable international
stars. Finally, 1989 was the first year after Brazil’s Constituent Assembly drafted
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Brazilian Music as World Music in the Late 1980s
a new constitution (ratified in October 1988), paving the way for the first direct
ballot presidential elections since the 1964 coup. All of this happened in the
midst of a major period of emigration when an estimated 1.4 million Brazilians
left due to economic and fiscal instability during the transition to a civilian
government (Margolis 1995).
Joshua Clover (2009) persuasively argues that 1989 was a landmark year, not
just in terms of how historians talk about global politics with the fall of the
Berlin Wall, but also for major alignments that informed popular music at the
end of the twentieth century and beyond. For the international music industries,
the turn to the 1990s marked the legitimacy of so-called “world music” entering
the Global North with formal institutional recognition alongside events in major
cities in Europe and North America. Within five years, efforts of label owners,
critics, and established rock and pop musicians in the United States and the
United Kingdom built world music as a genre irresistible to critics, Grammy
voters, and specialist magazines. Their efforts shaped which recordings
circulated among Anglophone publics and valorized musicians and styles that
did not receive much attention in their own countries. The integration of
Brazilian music into the growing performance, distribution, and marketing
networks of world music as a genre required adjustments to how musical labor
interfaced with intermediation and curation.
(p.107) This chapter discusses the intervention of the new world music genre
on Brazilian popular music at a defining moment in Brazilian history. The
Brazilian middle class and intellectual left were finally free of the censorship and
control of the military dictatorship at the same moment that dedicated routes for
global musical dissemination formed. Much of the development of world music
had little to do with what happened in Brazil’s politics. Yet the structural
apparatus that formed around rock and pop stars seeking new sources of
inspiration in Latin America, South Asia, and the African continent resulted in
tensions between the music that circulated internationally and how that music
reflected national branding efforts. Attitudes about brands were also changing
during this period to reflect the increased valuation of such intangible, “soft”
assets as image, reputation, and consumer loyalty—the same assets that were
being defined in Brazil’s efforts to redefine itself as a democracy. At the same
time, the deforestation of the Brazilian Amazon was a focus of environmental
advocacy on the part of celebrity rock musicians in the buildup to the 1990
Earth Day celebrations. With this confluence of coverage in transnational media,
Anglophone publics were newly paying attention to Brazil from multiple vantage
points.
I argue that the timing of the country’s emergence from a dictatorship just as
the technological apparatus of global musical circulation was moving decisively
to digital production and distribution had long-lasting consequences for what
kinds of music reached Anglophone publics and a lasting effect on the country’s
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Brazilian Music as World Music in the Late 1980s
brand. The result was considerable overlap between the kinds of music that
Brazil’s intellectual Left valorized and the intermediation of English-speaking
rock and pop musicians and critics. The confluence of changes in Brazil’s politics
and distribution technologies gave the MPB1 of the 1970s and the vibrant new
musical mixtures from Salvador, Bahia, an outsized platform. Within five years of
redemocratization, Brazil’s international musical brand would be linked either to
the kinds of music that US-based rock and pop musicians tapped in their effort
to revitalize their sound or that specialist record labels compiled to meet rising
market demands. In what follows, I trace the development of Brazilian music
within a world (p.108) music framework through the examples of the
canonizing effect of music compilations in contrast with attempts to market a
short-lived world dance craze (lambada) and Brazilian musicians participating in
high-profile intercultural collaborations. First, however, I unpack the emergence
of world music as a time-bounded marketing category in this period.
World Music Discourse in the 1990s
While the circulation of world music preceded the 1980s and 1990s, it was
during this period that it attained industrial stability (Denning 2015; Erlmann
1999). As Simon Frith (2000) describes, world music got its name when British
record executives recognized that there was a market, mostly made up of aging
rock fans who were seeking out field recordings from former British and French
colonies in Africa and Asia. These music industry power brokers met on a
regular basis to form a business strategy to capitalize on the trend. Frith (2000)
and Timothy D. Taylor (1997) have noted the importance of discourses of
authenticity in the marketing of world music to rock listeners. Jason Toynbee
argues (2002) that world music worked by representing the meeting point of
dialogical extremes—modernity and primitivity, core and periphery—that
reinforced the pop music center of the mainstream in bidirectional musical
flows. Thus the biggest successes were collaborations with established rock
stars, reinforcing the dominance of rock and pop. The centers of the new world
music market were the former colonial and neo-colonial powers of France, the
United Kingdom, and the United States; world music was mass-mediated
popular music from outside the “norm” of Anglo-American, Canadian, and
Australian taste, with an initial focus on music from “tropical” countries sung in
any non-English language (Guilbault 2001).
It follows, then, that the first ethnographic accounts of the influence of the world
music market were by scholars focusing on music in tropical countries of Africa
and the African diaspora (Meintjes 1990; Guilbault 1993; Averill 1997; Erlmann
1996).2 That link to Africa and the diaspora is perhaps why the initial entry of
Brazilian music in the world music market in the late 1980s and early 1990s
emphasized rhythmic and harmonic complexity (p.109) above other musical
qualities. Intermediaries such as record label personnel, music festival
managers, critics, and magazine editors struggled to place Brazil discursively in
distribution and marketing channels already in existence: hence the emphasis on
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Brazilian Music as World Music in the Late 1980s
a dance craze, collaborations, and compilations. Each pathway that Brazilian
music took to find Anglophone publics uncovered fundamental ruptures in world
music discourses of authenticity.
What focused the attention of scholars and critics was the role that record labels
and rock musicians played in mediating the music in question at the very
moment when globalization was gathering steam in the public imagination.
Collaborations between established rock stars and artists from the developing
world were so common, in fact, that many commentators in the music press
responded with cynicism. They noted the murkiness of power relations involved
in collaborations alongside the speed with which new musical combinations and
styles were catching audience attention. These critics were helped by new
theoretical frameworks around the condition of modernity to critique the
circulation of sounds from former colonial territories in new markets (cf.
Jameson 1991; Appadurai 1996; Giddens 1990; Lipsitz 1997).
In many of the periodicals consulted for this chapter, world music was a moving
target that exaggerated the differences between rock and pop publics in the
United States and the United Kingdom. It was still a nebulous marketing
category; nobody in the music industry promotional apparatus knew the exact
meaning of “world music” or how to capitalize on it. As a symptom of that
confusion, compare the attitudes toward world music in the United States and
the United Kingdom at the turn of the 1990s in two music magazines geared to
audiences with discriminating tastes: Spin from the US and New Musical
Express (NME) from the UK. By the late 1980s, both regularly covered world
music, although their geographic foci diverged: Spin focused on roots reggae
news under the heading “World Beat” in its gossip and news section, while NME
dedicated its “Other Voices” column to mass-mediated music from Africa. Early
in 1989, NME changed the name of its column to “World at One” and varied its
coverage between stars of world music, jazz, and folk music. Less than two years
later, NME abandoned the column and spread world music across its news,
recording reviews, and concerts sections. By contrast, Spin steadily ramped up
its coverage of world music and by early 1990 the magazine expanded further
with a regular column while also shifting its geographic coverage to Latin
America, the Caribbean, and more. That orientation to the Caribbean resembled
the stance taken by the Los Angeles–based world music magazine The Beat, (p.
110) which extended outward from reggae and Afro-pop to other Afro-diasporic
genres, a shift that happened halfway into its 1988 run (and that echoed its
name change from The Reggae and African Beat earlier that year). By 1991, The
Beat’s coverage of Brazilian music grew to the point of a dedicated special issue
guest edited by Christopher McGowan, who that same year co-authored a
Brazilian music textbook (as of this writing, in its third edition).
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Brazilian Music as World Music in the Late 1980s
Beyond a doubt, few in the rock press knew what to make of the incursion of
world music into the musical mainstream and what kind of attention it deserved.
That ambivalence by rock journalists was encapsulated by outspoken British
music critics Paul Oldfield and Simon Reynolds, who railed against the
colonialist gestures of world music collaborations: “But what all of these
advocates of world music share is the belief that other cultures represent the
‘authenticity,’ and ruralness that the Western world has forfeited. [. . .] World
music is supposed to be a post-colonial phenomenon. Actually it’s a more refined
form of colonialism, ideological colonialism” (1989: 31, emphasis in original).
Many of the rhetorical flourishes of the column index the influence of Edward
Said’s Orientalism (1978) and point to future directions ethnomusicologists
would take in critiques of world music. It bears noting that the main targets of
Oldfield and Reynolds’s column were the rock stars (Paul Simon, Peter Gabriel,
Sting, and David Byrne) who were making a visible effort to vaunt their favorite
non-Western artists as unrefined raw materials—a sentiment that Simon echoed
and that Brazilian critics had noted since the 1960s (Taylor 2016: 99; Tinhorão
2015). They had a point. In what follows, I show how the growth of the
international music market amplified the extremes of the mediation and
confusion about Brazilian music in the Anglophone press.
Taste-making in Brazilian Music Compilations
So-called “tastemakers” played a heightened role in the late 1980s. They exerted
their curatorial prowess in record reviews, recommendations, and, perhaps most
of all, shifting attitudes toward compilation albums. This was due, in part, to the
influx of diverse popular music styles from what was then called the “Third
World” or “the tropics” into Anglophone markets of the North Atlantic.3 A minor
skirmish from 1991 in the “Letters to the Editor” (p.111) section in The Beat
exemplifies the importance of curation during this period. A few months prior,
the magazine had dedicated a special issue to Brazilian music, highlighting
trends for world music watchers. Journalist and critic Chris McGowan served as
guest editor; alongside articles on artists and regional scenes, he provided a list
of recommended Brazilian music CDs, including albums by Gal Costa and Milton
Nascimento as well as twelve compilations. His choices caught the attention of
Bill Nowlin, the cofounder of Rounder Records, due to the omission of two
Brazilian compilations from his label. He complained:
We were surprised and dismayed that you did not include either of our two
Brazilian discs in your listing of the “Brazilian Albums Readily Available in
North America” on page 42 of the brand new issue [. . .] Brazil-Forró:
Music for Maids and Taxi Drivers (Rounder 5044) and Brazil-Roots-Samba
(Rounder 5045). Both were universally well-received. Forró was even one
of the five finalists in the world music category this year [sic]. Certainly a
distinction. Why this oversight?4
(Nowlin 1991: 82)
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Brazilian Music as World Music in the Late 1980s
In response, McGowan explained that there were many Brazilian music
compilations available in the United States. He then added:
Brazil-Roots-Samba is certainly a fine compilation, but I felt that samba
was amply represented by several titles on our list and there were other
areas of Brazilian music that needed to be covered as well. [. . .] As for
Brazil-Forró, it is an entertaining but unexceptional sampler album devoted
to obscure and unimportant artists. The fact that it received a Grammy
nomination does not make it a notable work.
(McGowan 1991: 82)
The exchange highlights the new prominence of cultural intermediaries such as
critics and playlist compilers in filtering through the booming world music
market of the period. In this case, McGowan and other critics regularly reviewed
albums featuring music that had been licensed from (p.112) independent and
major record labels in Brazil for English-language publics. In the case of BrazilForró: Music for Maids and Taxi-Drivers (often referred to as Brazil-Forró), the
album had been circulating in the United Kingdom and the United States for two
years before it received a Grammy nomination. By contrast, the same year that
Rounder released Brazil-Forró, David Byrne began a multi-year effort to
highlight artists from Brazil (and other parts of Latin America), starting with a
compilation of Brazilian MPB on Brazil Classics 1—Beleza Tropical (referred to
as Beleza Tropical throughout this chapter). That record followed the founding of
Byrne’s world music label Luaka Bop Records (under Warner/Sire) the previous
year. In the years to come, the Brazil Classics compilation series gave curious
listeners a starting point for exploring Brazilian music. Compilation CDs such as
these demonstrated the first steps during the late 1980s and early 1990s of
record companies’ promotion of Brazilian music beyond its core audience of
enthusiasts. Their producers mediated between the general consensus about US
and British markets—where most rock audiences had limited exposure to the
music—and their own appreciation of Brazilian music while also aiming to please
Brazilian music fans with a strong knowledge base. Of the two CDs, Beleza
Tropical managed the difficult feat of mediating all three demands. Similarly,
critics that championed this music balanced their own preferences, their desire
to expand the public of Brazilian music in the United States, and the need to eke
out a living in print media. This section highlights the changing role of cultural
intermediaries in the late 1980s through the contrasting examples of two highprofile compilations—Brazil-Forró and Beleza Tropical—alongside prominent
music critics to explore how this new level of curation mediated Brazilian music
for Anglophone publics.
When David Byrne announced his first Brazil Classics CDs in February 1989,
music critics interpreted the move through the context of his reputation as
frontman of Talking Heads. When Talking Heads released Remain in Light in
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Brazilian Music as World Music in the Late 1980s
1980, an album heavily influenced by West African music, they included a press
release that contained a two-page letter by Byrne encouraging critics to read
scholarship on African culture. That didactic strategy lar…
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